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University of Hyderabad

University of Hyderabad MA 2016

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1. Economic justice as one of the objectives of the Indian constitution has been provided in the (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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2. Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 2013, popularly known as Nirbhaya Act deals with (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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3. The Parliament can legislate on a subject in the State List' if (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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4. Economic liberalisation in lndia involved (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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5. Which one of the following statements about a Money Bill is not correct? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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6. In 2015, the judgment of Supreme Court in Shreya Singhal vs. Union of India extended freedom of speech to (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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7. The Mahagathbandhan (Grand alliance) in the Assembly Elections held in Bihar in 2015 consisted of the following political parties: (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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8. ln the Indian legal system, personal laws refer to the rules and regulations concerning (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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9. Who were the signatories to Poona Pact,1932? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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10. Match the following political leaders with their respective states and choose the answer from the code. (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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11. Match the following protest movements f organizations with their respective

leaders and choose the answer from the code. (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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12. Consider the following about the powers and functions of the President of India. (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

I. to summon the Parliament and preside over its meeting

II. to dissolve both houses of the parliament

III. to prorogue the session of both houses of the parliament

IV. to proclaim Emergency under relevant provisions of the Constitution

In light of the above statements, which of the following is right answer?

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13. The term 'failed states' is used for states where (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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14. Constitutionalism limits (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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15. For Max Weber, modern bureaucracy is based on (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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16. Presidential system of government is characterized by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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17. 'State capitalism' implies: (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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18. 'SYRIZA' is a political party in (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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19. Green activism supports: (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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20. 'Gerrymandering' stands for (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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21. Behaviouralism emphasizes (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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22. 'Roll back of the state' implies (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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23. Authoritarian regimes are characteized by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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24. 'Kitchen cabinet' means (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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25. Who is the Chairman of the National Institution for Transforming India (NITI Aayog)? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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26. Who is closely associated with Ecological Approach in Public Administration? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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27. 'Rule of Thumb' as a mode of administration is rejected by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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28. Which of the following is not true regarding civil servants in India? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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29. Cybernetics is the science of (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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30. The role of informal groups is emphasised by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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31. Who is the author of the Functions of the Executive'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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32. Hawthorne experiment is associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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33. Span of control is (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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34. Mani Shankar Aiyar Committee is related to reforms in (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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35. Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana (PMJDY) (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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36. Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy imparts training for (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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37. One of the following was not a pioneer of the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM): (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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38. Currently (2024), India's External Affairs Minister is (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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39. Durand Line separates (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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40. Farakka Dispute is between (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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41. Munich Agreement was signed between (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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42. Paris Conference (2015) was on (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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43. Treaty of Westphalia (1648) formalized (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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44. One of the following played no role in the unification of Italy: (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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45. Which one of the following leaders was associated with economic reforms in China known as 'Four Modernizations'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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46. The Versailles Treaty signed 1919 led to (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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47. The 'Maritime Silk Route' is associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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48. 'Bandung Conference' is also known as (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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49. The Bhudan movement was started by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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50. The Buddha is said to have supported the republic of (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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51. Shanti Parva in the Mahabharata includes (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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52. The thinker who defined justice as treating equals equally was (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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53. The social contract theory holds that (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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54. A society in which one can "hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticize after dinner...", was visualized by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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55. One of the following is not an elite theorist: (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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56. Natural rights mean (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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57. Edmund Burke criticized the excesses of (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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58. Reason, Romanticism and Reaolution was written by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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59. The distinction between the City of God and the City of Man was made by (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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60. Match the following and choose the correct answer from the code. (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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61. Passage 1: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 61-68

After fighting a losing battle with the growing tide of municipal waste, the Ministry of Environment and Forests has notified the New Solid Waste Management Rules with clear responsibilities assigned to various classes of consumers. For these rules to have any significant impact, however, the local bodies in charge of implementation should appeal to the rational impulses of communities - a small effort at segregating trash at source would be a good thig for their household budgets. Cities and towns would then have to provide the logistical chain to evacuate waste, with a cash compensation system in place for the consumer. he the absence of such a system, the rules issued 1.6 years ago failed miserably. Urban municipal bodies found it convenient to merely transport waste to the suburbs, sometimes through private agencies that secured lucrative long-term contracts. Policy failure is all too evident when Minister for Environment and Forest says that the estimated 62 million tons of waste a year is not fully collected or treated. Worryingly, it will go up to some 165 million tons in 2030, and increasing air and water pollution from mountairu of garbage as seen in Mumbai and Bengaluru in recent times could be witnessed in more places.

A productive start to containing the problem could be made if urban governments show the political will to rein in bulk generators of municipal solid waste. For instance, the provisions in the new rules for hotels and restaurants to support composting, or bio methanation, and for large housing societies, countercall establishments and other bulk producers to segregate waste, need to be rigorously enforced. CSS funds collected for the Swachh Bharat programmed could be deployed to scale up infrastructure for composting, bio methanation and recycling, which the minister admits are grossly inadequate. Evidently, the Centre and the State governments have  not so far taken the existing rules seriously: less than a third of the collected waste is being processed. Even where environmentally conscious citizens segregate at source, the chain of management dumps it all in land fills. The central monitoring committee under the Ministry should ensure that local bodies do not continue functioning in business-as-usual mode. They should align their operations, including waste management contracts, with the new rules under the annual operating plan. The Ministry should also enlist the services of ragpickers under formal systems such as cooperatives. Although there are provisions for fines for littering and non-segregation, this should be a second-order priority for municipalities, which should focus principally on creating reliable systems to handle different waste streams. If India could start with the separation of its 'wet' waste from the rest and produie good compost that could transform cities and towns into clean and green havens filled with trees, gardens, lakes and rivers. It would also salvage millions of tons of recyclable plastic, precious metals and other materials. Studies on waste management confirm that landfills swallow precious wealth every day. The time has come to recover it.

(Source: Editorial, The Hindu, Apd 9,2016)

Q. In a year how much of the waste remains not fully collected or treated? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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62. Increasing air and water pollution in Indian cities is from (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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63. The environmentally conscious citizens are (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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64. CSS fund is collected for (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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65. Urban governments must show a political will to (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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66. Segregation of waste at source would be rational for the households, if there is a (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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67. Imposition of fines on violators is the responsibility of (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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68. After reading the passage, which of the following remarks is right? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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69. Passage 2: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 69-76

The understanding of the concept of representation has changed considerably throughout the modern era. An early modern meaning of representation is most usually associated with theatrical characterisation in the sense of how one person depicts another. This is an activity which involves interpretation, a certain amount of licence and embodies a good deal of 'personal opinion'.on the part of the actor. From the 17th century, representation came to incorporate the idea of a person acting legally 'on behalf of another', a view that reflects Hobbes' (7691) Leviathan. During the 18th century this developed more overtly political connotations. In parallel with the growth of democratic ideas, representation came increasingly to be associated with the notion representing the wishes of citizens, whether directly or indirectly, through mediators or unmediated (weale, 1999).

Representation can, according to a Rousseauian, unmediated and direct conception of democracy, be carried out by the citizen body as a whole, in the manner we believe to have been practiced in classical Athens. Athenian dernocracy, while it might have been representative of the citizen body, was completely unrePresentative of the majority of inhabitants (since the citizen body was defrned very narrowly, omitting women and other categories of resident). Such a model, even if it were constituted inclusively, would in aoy case be appropriate only for relatively small units of population. This became less and less feasible with the growth of modern society, particularly after the establishment of industrial capitalism. So ideas of indirect democracy, where small groups of people represent the views of the citizen body as a whole came to prevail.

(Source: ludith Bara and Mark Pennington (eds.) Q009): Compnratiite Politics, London, Thotrsand Oaks, New Delhi, Singapore: Sage, p. 230.)

Q. The understanding of the concept of representation has (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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70. An early modern meaning of representation involves (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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71. During the 18th century, the concept of representation developed (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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72. Representation cetn mean (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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73. Representation is closely associated with the (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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74. Athenian democracy left out the (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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75. There have been instances in history, when representation has been designed (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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76. Representation as unmediated and direct conception of democracy has become (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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77. Passage 3: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 77-84

The Clinton administration's early emphasis on the promotion of human rights, nonproliferation and preventive diplomacy fused into activism on Kashmir. Just when the two sides needed to build trust and confidence in each other, US diplomacy on Kashmir and nuclear non-proliferation stirred deep anxieties in India about American intentions and motivations. What from the American view point appeared as an attempt to address the problems of stability in the subcontinent was seen in India as inimical to two of India's core national security interests- its territorial integrity and the preservation of the nuclear option. The US forays in Kashmir appeared to India as an intervention on behalf of Pakistan when Islarnabad was determined to take advantage of New Delhi's political troubles in the Kashmir valley; the American refusal to countenance the brazen Pakistani support of terrorism added insult to Indian injury. Furthermore, the relentless American pressure in the 1990s on India's nuclear and missile programmes and its attempts to cap, reduce and elirninate over a period of time Lrdia's strategic prograrnmes suggested that Washington had no desire to accommodate lndia's political aspirations on the world stage, Ali the political energies in India-US relations were expended in dealing with these two problems but with no real movement forward. It was only at the end of 1990s, when India first defied the United States on the CTBT and then tested nuclear weapons, that Washington was forced to take more pragmatic approach to India. Although President Clinton's visit dramatically changed the tone and tenor of Arnerican attitude towards India, it was the Bush administration that opened the doors for a long-term strategic relationship between New Delhi and Washington.

(Source: C. Raja Mohan QA03): Crossing tolu Rubicon: The Shaping of India's Nao Foreign Policy by New Delhi: Viking, pp-88-89.)

Q. According to the passage, under whose Presidency was India-US relations taken forward most dynamically? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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78. Which were the two issues acted as impediments in Indo-US ties before the end of 1990s? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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79. Which of the following titles would be appropriate for this passage? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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80. US foreign policy towards India aimed at supporting (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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81. American foreign policy towards India changed due to (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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82. On whose behalf, according to Indian perception, US intervened on Kashmir issue? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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83. According to the passage, US attitude to India till the end of 1990s was some what (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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84. What did America want to do with India's nuclear and missile programmes? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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85. Passage 4: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 85-92

When the caste association turned to the state for furthering their purposes, their initial claims were aimed at raising caste stafus in terms of the values and structure of the caste order. But as liberal and democratic ideas penetrated to wider sections of the population, the aims of the caste association began to shift accordingly. Instead of demanding temple entry and prestigious caste names and histories in the census, the associations began to press for places in the new administrative and educational institutions, and for political representation. Independence and the realization of political democracy intensified these new concerns. Caste associations attempted to have their members nominated for elective office, working through existing parties or forming their own; to maximize caste representation and influence in state cabinets and lesser governing bodies; and to use ministerial, legislative, and administrative channels to press for action on caste objectives in the welfare, educational, and economic realms. Perhaps the most significant aspect of the caste association in the contemporary era, however, is its capacity to organize the politically illiterate mass electorate, thus making possible in some measure the realization of its aspirations, and educating large sections of it in the methods and values of its aspirations, and educating large sections of it in the methods and values of political democracy.

The caste association is no longer a nafural association in the sense in which caste was and is. It is beginning to take on features of the voluntary association. Membership in caste association is not purely ascriptive; birth in the caste is a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for membership. One must also 'join' the (Rajput) Kshatriya Mahasabha or the (Jat) Kisan Sabha through some conscious act involving various degrees of identification ranging from attendance at caste association meetings or voting for candidates supported by caste association leaders, to paying membership dues. The caste association has generally both a potential and an actual membership; when it speaks, it often claims to speak for the potential represented in the full caste membership. While the purpose of caste are wide-ranging and diffuse, affecting every aspect of members' life paths, the caste association has come to specialize in politics. The traditional authority and functions of the sub caste are declining, but the caste association's concern with politics and its rewards serve to sustain caste loyalty and identification. This loyalty and sense of identification tend to retain the exclusive quality of the natural association; the caste association seems to have a more complete and intense coulmand of its members' commitments than is usually the case with voluntary associations.

Since modern means of transportation and communication have had the effect of broadening caste, binding together local sub-castes which had been relatively autonomous in to geographically extended associations, caste associations today usually parallel administrative and political units - states, districts, sub-districts, and towns - whose offices and powers of legislation or decision-making are the object of the caste associations' efforts.

(Source: Rudolph und Rudolph (201.4): Expluining lndian Democracy: A Fifty Year Petspectiue, 1956 -2006 The Renlm of tlw Pubtic Splere, Identity and Policy, New Delhi: OUP, pp. 6-7)

Q. Caste association is playing the role of (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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86. What is the reason behind the shift in the aims of caste associations? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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87. What are the demands of caste associations? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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88. Caste association specializes in (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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89. What is not the requirement to get membership in the caste association? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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90. The modern means of transportation and communication have contributed to (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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91. According to the passage caste associations are parallel to (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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92. What is the suitable title for the above passage? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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93. Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 93-100

To coerce a man is to deprive him of freedom - freedom from what? [...] I do not propose to discuss either the history or the more than two hundred senses of the word. I propose to examine no more than two of these senses.... The first of these political senses of freedom or liberty (l shall use both words to mean the same), which (following much precedent) I shall call the 'negative' sense, is involved in the answer to the question 'What is the area within which a subject - a person or a group of Persons - is or should be left to do or be what he is able to do or be, without interference by other persons?' The second, which I shall call the positive sense, is involved in the answer to the question 'Wha! or who, is the source of conhol or interference, that can determine someone to do, or be, one thing rather than another? The two questions are clearly different, even though the answers to them may overlap.

I am normally said to be free to the degree to which no human being interferes with my activity. Political liberty in this sense is simply the area within which a man act unobstructed by others. If I am prevented by other persons from doing what I could otherwise do, I am to that degree unfree; and if this area is contracted by other men beyond a certain minimum, I can be described as being enslaved or...coerced.

Coercion is not, however, a term that covers every form of inability. If I say that I am unable to jump more than 10 feet in the air...it would be eccentric to say that I am to that degree enslaved or coerced. Coercion implies deliberate interference of other Hernan beings within the area in which I could otherwise act. You lack political liberty only if you are prevented from attaining u goal by other human beings. Mere incapacity to attain a goal is not lack of political freedom. This is brought out by such modern expressions as ‘economic freedom' and its counterpart, 'economic slavery'. It is argued, very plausibly, that if a man is too poor to afford something on which there is no legal ban...he is as little free to have it as he would be if it were forbidden harm by law. If my poverty were a kind of disease, which prevented me from buying bread...as lameness prevents me from running, this inability would not naturally be described as a lack of freedom, least of all political freedom. It is only because I believe that my inability to get a given thing is due to the fact that other human beings have made arrangements whereby, I am, whereas others are no prevented from having enough money with which to pay for it, that I think of myself a victim of coercion or slavery. In other words, this use of the term depends ‘on a particular social and economic theory about the cause of my poverty or weakness, [...] The criterion of oppression is the part that I believe to be played by other human beings, directly or indirectly, with or without the intention of doing so, in frustrating my wishes. By being free in this sense, I mean not being interfered with by interference the wider my freedom'

(Source: lsaiuh Beilin, Two Concepts of Liberty)

Q. What does the author say about 'freedom' and 'liberty'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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94. Calling one of the two senses of freedom 'negative' is (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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95. Which of the following statements is correct? (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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96. Liberty in the negative sense is (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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97. The difference between 'negative' liberty and 'positive' liberty is (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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98. We can complain of lack of political freedom (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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99. The difference between coercion and oppression is (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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100. Poverty amounts to a lack of freedom, if (University of Hyderabad MA 2016)

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