1. The term creamy layer is used in Indian politics to refer to the relatively wealthier and better educated members of certain social groups who are not eligible for reservations in government educational institutions and employment. Which of the following social group does it refer to? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

2. As per the Indian Constitution, which of the following conditions is not a valid ground for imposing Emergency in India: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

3. Match List I with List II and select the correct answer from the code given below: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

4. Match List I with List II and select the correct answer from the code given below: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

5. NITI Aayog was set up to replace (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

6. "The proper course for testing the strength of the Ministry is holding the test on the floor of the House". With which of the following judgements would you associate the above statement? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

7. For a political party to be designated as a national party, in how many states does it have to be treated as a recognised party according to the Election Commission? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

8. With which of the following articles would you associate Uniform Civil Code? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

9. Read the following statements and identify whether they are correct or incorrect. (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

Statement A: PIL enabled the Judiciary in India to put in place a new regime of rights of citizens and obligations of the State as well as new methods for its accountability.

Statement B: Over the years the social dimension of PIL has been diluted, and more emphasis has been placed on correcting the actions/omissions of various public bodies.

Select the correct answer from the following options:

10. Who presides over the joint session of both the Houses of India's Parliament? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

11. Which of following is NOT true about states reorganization in India? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

12. Which of the following is TRUE about 'money bill' in the Parliament? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

13. Comprehension: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 13-20

Constitutionalism is commonly conceived to be the idea that there are legal constraints on the exercise of political authority. It places limits on state action, and conformity with the constitution becomes a guiding principle. But constitutions cannot be expected to remain static or place permanent restrictions on the future, and typically provide a means through which they can change. To prevent constitutionalism from becoming a hollow ideal, formal constitutional change is typically designed to be difficult. Sometimes a constitution sets a special threshold for changing the constitution; one that is higher than the ordinary entrenchment lever for standard laws. Although the Indian Constitution's requirement is nowhere as high as the Article V standard in the American Constitution, it nonetheless imposes a higher requirement for amending the Constitution as compared with enacting ordinary laws. This amending power is set forth in Article 368 and requires a supermajority: a two-thirds majority in Parliament and, in certain cases, the consent of half the states. Article 368 outlines the general amending power, and in some exceptional cases Parliament may change the Constitution through a simple majority.

(Source: Madhav Khosla, Oxford India Short Introductions to the Indian Constitution (New Delhi: OUP, 2014, Fifth Impression, pp.149-50).

Q. Why does a constitution lay down difficult amendment procedures? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

14. Consider the following. (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

(i) Constitutionalism implies imposing legal constraints on exercise of political authority

(ii) Constitutionalism limits state action

(iii) Constitutions are static

(iv) Changing a constitution is easier than enacting ordinary laws

From the above which of the following is true?

15. Which of the following is true about India's Constitution? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

16. In amending the Indian Constitution a 'super-majority' means (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

17. What is the guiding principle of constitutionalism? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

18. Which of the following best encapsulates Article 368 of India's Constitution? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

19. What does 'special threshold' in the passage imply? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

20. Which is true about 'simple majority' in the passage? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

21. Who says, "Family is the cradle of citizenship"? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

22. Who is the author of The Subjection of Women? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

23. Which political ideology claims, 'greatest happiness of greatest number is the measure of right and wrong'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

24. Who says that laws are commands of the sovereign backed by force? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

25. The doctrine of separation of powers is attributed to (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

26. The viewpoint that 'the state is an association of associations' is known as (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

27. The view that 'property as theft' was held by (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

28. With the help from the following code, find out the proper sequence in which Locke's social contract is established: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

(i) Civil Society

(ii) State of Nature

(iii) Government

(iv) Social Contract

29. Which of the following is not said by Marx? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

30. Who is of the view that the sovereign cannot tax subjects without their consent? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

31. Who is famous for the critique of totalitarianism? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

32. At what age Plato's Philosopher King completes education to be able to govern the state? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

33. Comprehension: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 33-40

The path of social reform like the path to heaven at any rate in India, is strewn with many difficulties. Social reform in India has few friends and many critics. The critics fall into two distinct classes. One class consists of political reformers and the other of the socialists.

It was at one time recognized that without social efficiency no permanent progress in the other fields of activity was possible, that owing to mischief wrought by the evil customs, Hindu Society was not in a state of efficiency and that ceaseless efforts must be made to eradicate these evils. It was due to the recognition of this fact that the birth of the National Congress was accompanied by the foundation of the Social Conference. While the Congress was concerned with defining the weak points in the political organisation of the country, the Social Conference was engaged in removing the weak points in the social organisation of the Hindu Society. For some time the Congress and the Conference worked as two wings of one common activity and they held their annual sessions in the same panda\. But soon the two wings developed into two parties, a Political Reform Party and a Social Reform Party, between whom there raged a fierce controversy. The Political Reform Party supported the National Congress and Social Reform Party supported the Social Conference. The two bodies thus became two hostile camps. The point at issue was whether social reform should precede political reform. For a decade the forces were evenly balanced and the battle was fought without victory to either side. It was however evident that the fortunes of the; Social Conference were ebbing fast. The gentlemen who presided over the sessions of the Social Conference lamented that the majority of the educated Hindus were for political advancement and indifferent to social reform and that while the number of those who attended the Congress was very large and the number who did not attend but who sympathized with it even larger, the number of those who attended the Social Conference was very much smaller. This indifference, this thinning of its ranks was soon followed by active hostility from the politicians. Under the leadership of the late Mr. Tilak, the courtesy with which the Congress allowed the Social Conference the use of its pandal was withdrawn and the spirit of enmity went to such a pitch that when the Social Conference desired to erect its own pandal a threat to bum the pandal was held out by its opponents. Thus in course of time the party in favour of political reform won 10and the Social Conference vanished and was forgotten. The speech, delivered by Mr. W. C. Bonnerji in 1892 at Allahabad as President of the eighth session of the Congress, sounds like a funeral oration at the death of the Social Conference and is so typical of the Congress attitude that I venture to quote from it the following extract. Mr. Bonnerji said:

"I for one have no patience with those who saw we shall not be fit for political reform until we refoml our social system. I fail to see any connection between the two...Are we not fit (for political reform) because our widows remain unmarried and our girls are given in marriage earlier than in other countries? because our wives and daughters do not drive about with us visiting our friends? because we do not send our daughters to Oxford and Cambridge ?" (Cheers)'

I have stated the case for political reform as put by Mr. Bonnelji. There were many who are happy that the victory went to the Congress. But those who believe in the impoliance of social reform may ask, is the argument such as that of Mr. Bonnerji final? Does it prove that the victory went to those who were in the right? Does it prove conclusively that social reform has no bearing on political reform? It will help us to understand the matter if I state the other side of the case. I will draw upon the treatment of the untouchables for my facts.

Under the rule of the Peshwas in the Maratha country the untouchable was not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu was coming along lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow. The untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or in his neck as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus from getting themselves polluted by his touch through mistake. In Poona, the capital of the Peshwa, the untouchable was required to carry, strung from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind the dust he treaded on lest a Hindu walking on the same should be polluted. In Poona. the untouchable was required to carry an earthen pot, hung in his neck wherever he went, for holding his spit lest his spit falling on earth should pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on it. Let me take more recent facts. The tyranny practised by the Hindus upon the Balais, an untouchable community in Central India, will serve my purpose. You will find a report of this in the Times o/India of 4th January 1928. "The correspondent of the Times of India reported that high caste Hindus, viz. Kalotas, Rajputs and Brahmins including the Pateis and Patwaris of villages of Kanaria, Bicholi-Hafsi, Bicholi-Mardana and of about 15 other villages in the Indore djistrict (of the Indore State) informed the Balais of their respective villages that if they wished to live among them they must conform to the following rules:

(1) Balais must not wear gold-lace-bordered pugrees.

(2) They must not wear dhotis with coloured or fancy borders.

(3) They must convey intimation of the death of any Hindu to relatives of the deceased-no matter how far away these relatives may be living.

(4) In all Hindu marriages, Balais must play music before the processions and during the marriage.

(5) Balai women must not wear gold or silver ornaments; they must not wear fancy gowns or jackets.

(6) Balai women must attend all cases of confinement of Hindu women.

(7) Balais must render services without demanding remuneration and must accept whatever a Hindu is pleased to give.

(8) If the Balais do not agree to abide by these terms they must clear out of the villages. The Balais refused to comply; and the Hindu element proceeded against them. Balais were not allowed to get water from the village wells; they were not allowed to let go their cattle to graze. Balais were prohibited from passing through land owned by a Hindu, so that if the field of a Balai was surrounded by fields owned by Hindus, the Balai could have no access to his own field. The Hindus also let their cattle graze down the fields of Balais. The Balais submitted petitions to the Darbar against these persecutions; but as they could get no timely relief, and the oppression continued, hundreds of Balais with their wives and children were obliged to abandon their homes in which their ancestors lived forgenerations and to migrate to adjoining States, viz. to villages in Dhar, Dewas, Bagli, Bhopal, Gwalior and other States. What happened to them in their new homes may for the present be left out of our consideration. The incident at Kavitha in Gujarat happened only last year. The Hindus of Kavitha ordered the untouchables not to insist upon sending their children to the common village school maintained by Government. What sufferings the untouchables of Kavitha had to undergo for daring to exercise a civic right against the wishes of the Hindus is too well known to need detailed description. Another instance occurred in the village of Zanu in the Ahmedabad district of Gujarat. In November 1935 some untouchable women of well-to-do families started fetching water in metal pots. The Hindus looked upon the use of metal pots by untouchables as an affront to their dignity and assaulted the untouchable women for their impudence. A most recent event is reported from the village Chakwara in Jaipur State. It seems from the reports that have appeared in the newspapers that an untouchable of Chakwara who had returned from a pilgrimage had arranged to give a dinner to his fellow untouchables of the village as an act of religious piety. The host desired to treat the guests to a sumptuous meal and the items served included ghee (butter) also. But while the assembly of untouchables was engaged in partaking of the food, the Hindus in their hundred, armed with lathis, rushed to the scene, despoiled the food and belaboured the untouchables who left the food they were served with and ran away for their lives. And why was this murderous assault committed on defenceless untouchables? The reason given is that the untouchable host was impudent enough to serve ghee and his untouchable guests were foolish enough to taste it. Ghee is undoubtedly a luxury for the rich. But no one would think that consumption ofghee was a mark of high social status. The Hindus of Chakwara thought otherwise and in righteous indignation avenged themselves for the wrong done to them by the untouchables, who insulted them by treating ghee as an item of their food which they ought to have known could not be theirs, consistently with the dignity of the Hindus. This means that an untouchable must not use ghee even if he can afford to buy it, since it is an act ofarrogance towards the Hindus. This happened on or about the 1st of April 1936!

(Source: B. R. Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste).

Q. According to the passage, what was seen as the bone of contention between the Congress and the Conference? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

34. What is Mr. W C Bonnerji's position? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

35. Under the Peshwa rule, the untouchables were expected to do the following in public places: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

36. The Balai is expected to perform the following duty: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

37. The demand of the untouchables in Gujarat was for the following issue: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

38. The untouchable women were assaulted in Zanu due to (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

39. The atrocity against untouchables in Jaipur State happened due to the tasting following item in a feast: (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

40. The above atrocities against Untouchables are cited by the author to prove the need for (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

41. Realists place primary emphasis on (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

42. Feminists argue that International Relations is based on (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

43. One the following is not considered a 'Realist' (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

44. The terms 'core' and 'periphery' are associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

45. Which of the following concepts are key to Realism (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

46. Zero-sum-game in International Relations refers to (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

47. Collective Security is associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

48. 'String of Pearls' is associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

49. 'Treaty of Versailles' is connected to (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

50. 'Bandung Conference' was precursor to the establishment of (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

51. 'Detente' implies (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

52. 'Rohingya refugee crisis' involves (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

53. Comprehension: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 53-60

Whereas the realist approach focuses on the nation-state, liberal thinking has tended to see the individual as the basic unit of analysis. The primary motivating force in the economy is the competitive interaction bctween individuals, who are assumed to maximise their satisfaction, or utility, especially through the social institution of the market. The market aggregates these individual preferences and utilities (on the demand side), and (on the supply side) the action of profit-seeking firms. Some modern liberal thinkers, notably von Hayek, have argued that the market is, in fact, a spontaneous social institution, rather than an institution which is a product of human design.

Where realism has focused on competition between states, economic liberalism has focused on competition between firms. Economic outcomes will be affected by market structure. To explain the nature of market structure, liberal economists use ideal-typical cases. At one extreme, so called 'perfect' competition, with its infinite number of buyers and sellers, full information and perfect foresight, implies that individual buyers and sellers are 'price-takers' and the consumer is 'sovereign'. In this context, the 'power of the market' to constrain all producers is absolute. At the other extreme is monopoly (one supplier) and/or monopsony (one buyer). If both apply, there is a situation of bilateral monopoly, in which the power of one countervails that of the other. If there are many buyers, but only one supplier, then the monopolist has market power over the consumers. If there are many suppliers, but only one buyer, then the monopsonist has market power over the sellers. Of course, almost all markets and industries lie between these two extremes. In the case of oligopoly (when there are relatively few firms), firms will have some degree of market power, which will be increased ifthey are able to collude and this impose their collective power over the market. An extreme case of collusion is when firms form a cartel which sets prices and production quotas for the member firms.

Each of these market structures are also examples of different degrees of interdependence or dependence. In the extreme case of perfect competition, there is complete and symmetrical interdependence between buyers and sellers. In the case of oligopoly there is some interdependence between producers. This may be symmetrical or asymmetrical, depending on whether there is a dominant firm, or 'price leader' in a market, such as De Beers in the diamond trade, and IBM in mainframe computers for much of the post-war period. In general, the greater degree of market concentration on the supply side, the more asymmetrical the interdependence between producers and consumers, to the disadvantage of the latter.

(Source: Stephen Gill and David Law, The Global Political Economy: Perspectives, Problems and Policies, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988).

Q. One of the key differences between Realists and Liberals is (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

54. Liberals believe that individuals interests will be aggregated best by the (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

55. Von Hayek, according to the authors, argues that (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

56. The consumer is 'sovereign' when (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

57. The monopolist has control over the consumers in the market when (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

58. When firms control prices, the result is (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

59. Consumers are disadvantaged when there is (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

60. Which of the following sentences best captures the main theme of this passage? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

61. Who among the following vote in the election of the Vice-President? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

62. Who among the following described democracy as the "tyranny of the majority"? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

63. Which Lok Sabha enjoyed a term of more than five years? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

64. Political Culture does not include (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

65. From which of the following did India borrow the doctrine of Judicial Review? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

66. Fabianism originated in (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

67. The 'metropolitan-satellite' characterisation of states is associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

68. Modernization theory reflects which of the following perspectives (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

69. Samuel Huntington is the author of (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

70. Which of the following countries supports Seymour Lipset's proposition that "The more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy." (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

71. Which of the following best describes representative democracy? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

72. Which of the following provides the foundation for individual rights in Anglo-American jurisprudence? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

73. Comprehension: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 73-80

Among the several fields or sub-disciplines into which the discipline of political science is usually divided, comparative politics is the only one that carries a methodological instead of a substantive label. The term "comparative politics" indicates the how but does not specify the what of the analysis. The label is somewhat misleading because both explicit methodological concern and implicit methodological awareness among students of comparative politics have generally not been very high. Indeed, too many students of the field have been what Giovanni Sartori calls "unconscious thinkers" unaware of and not guided by the logic and methods of empirical science, although perhaps well versed in quantitative research techniques. One reason for this unconscious thinking is undoubtedly that the comparative method is such a basic, and basically simple, approach, that a methodology of comparative political analysis does not really exist. As Sartori points out, the other extreme that of the "over conscious thinkers," whose "standards of method and theory are drawn from the physical paradigmatic sciences" is equally unsound. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to "conscious thinking" in comparative politics by focusing on comparison as a method of political inquiry.

In the literature of comparative politics, a wide variety of meanings is attached to the terms "comparison" and "comparative method." The comparative method is defined here as one of the basic methods the others being the experimental, statistical, and case study methods of establishing general empirical propositions. The comparative method is here regarded as a method of discovering empirical relationships among variables, not as a method of measurement. A clear distinction should be made between method and technique. The comparative method is a broad-gauge, general method, not a narrow, specialized technique. The statistical method can be applied to many cases, the comparative method to relatively few (but at least two) cases, and the  case study method to one case.

The principal problems facing the comparative method can be succinctly stated as: many variables, small number of cases. These two problems are closely interrelated. The former is common to virtually all social science research regardless of the particular method applied to it; the latter is peculiar to the comparative method and renders the problem of handling many variables more difficult to solve. Comparative analysis must avoid the danger of being overwhelmed by large numbers of variables and, as a result, losing the possibility of discovering controlled relationships, and it must therefore judiciously restrict itself to the really key variables, omitting those of only marginal importance.

Before turning to a discussion of specific suggestions for minimizing these problems, two general comments are in order. First, if at all possible one should generally use the statistical (or perhaps even the experimental) method instead of the weaker comparative method. But often, given the inevitable scarcity of time, energy, and financial resources, the intensive comparative analysis of a few cases may be more promising than a more superficial statistical analysis of many cases. In such a situation, the most fruitful approach would be to regard the comparative analysis as the first stage of research, in which hypotheses are carefully formulated, and the statistical analysis as the second stage, in which these hypotheses are tested in as large a sample as possible.

(Sourcc: Adapted from Arend Lijphart. 1971. "Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method". American Political Science Review. 65 (03): 682-693).

Q. What is the distinguishing feature of the sub-discipline of comparative politics'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

74. Giovanni Sartori is associated with the study of (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

75. Comparative method is a (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

76. Which type of research is suitable when the investigator has access to modest resources? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

77. Hypothesis testing is possible in (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

78. Which of the problems is specific to comparative politics (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

79. To discover relationships between key variables comparative analysis must (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

80. Comparative method can be defined as the analysis of (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

81. Who among the following is closely associated with Human Relations Theory? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

82. The concept of the 'zone of indifference' is associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

83. The founding father of theory of Bureaucracy was (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

84. Who has analysed leadership in tenns of 'circular response'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

85. Simon proposed a new concept of administration based on the methodology of (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

86. Who wrote the book 'Towards a New Public Administration: The Minnow brook Perspective'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

87. Who rejected the principles of administration as 'myths' and 'proverbs'? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

88. The classical theory of administration is also known as the (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

89. The theory of 'Prismatic Society' in Public Administration is based on (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

90. Which of the following is not included in 'hygiene' factors in the Herzberg's two-factor theory of motivation? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

91. F. W. Taylor, the founding father of Scientific Management movement propounded the theory which was conceived to be a scientific methodology of (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

92. Which one of the following system is adopted for classification of higher civil services in India? (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

93. Comprehension: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 93-100

In spite of several efforts for promoting rural development through a number of programmes and planning monetary and fiscal policies, the conditions of the rural poor have remained by and large static and the number of rural poor is alarmingly large. What is more, with the steady rise in rural population and prevalent social customs, ignorance, illiteracy, the number is multiplying at the faster rate. In addition, crime and social disorder has been spreading at a faster rate afflicting the social fabric of rural India. The worst affected are the rural poor. This requires that rural development programmes are to be revamped, restructured, planned at the micro-level and implemented, with professional efficiency. The need of the hour is a sound organization and efficient management.

Finally, the success of the various agencies depends upon the persons who are responsible for implementing them. They must have sufficient experience and possess a high level of competence. Team spirit and collective work are essential. There must be channels of free communication in all directions. Decentralization policy must be adopted. Rules and procedures must be made flexible for getting better results from the implementation of the programmes. A programme should have an inbuilt organization, planned approach and professional implementation.

In spite of over five decades of planning and the all-round economic development, the incidence of rural poverty continues unabated. The number of rural people living below poverty line is estimated to be over 31 crores. Over the years, the number of rural people living below the poverty line has increased marginally since the beginning of the planned era. The main source of livelihood in rural India is land. Rural poverty is a.ssociated with the ownership patterns of land. Data on ownership of land resources reveal that 12.3 percent of the rural population owned no land, 58.6 percent owned less than one hectare and 28.0 per cent owned land between I to 2 hectares. What is more, 58.6 per cent of marginal farmers owned only 11.2 per cent (19.50 million hectares) of operated area (165.34 million hectares). The average size of an operational land holding was less than 0.35 hectares. Twenty percent small farmers owned about 13.8 per cent of operated land with average operated holding of 1.43 hectares. The moot point is whether these agricultural holdings can sustain the bulk of the rural population and if not, what is the alternative possible.

(Source: Vasant Desai, Rural Development in India, Himalaya, 2015).

Q. To overcome the problem of rural poverty, the need of the hour is (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

94. In the context of increasing crime and social disorder the worst effected section is (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

95. The number of rural people living below poverty line is estimated to be (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

96. Rural Poverty is basically associated with (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

97. The landless population in rural areas is estimated to be (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

98. The average size of an operational land holding in India is estimated to be (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

99. The percentage of operated land owned by small farmer is (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)

100. For successful rural development we need (University of Hyderabad MA 2017)