1. Which of these states have retained monarchs as heads of state? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

2. Consider the following statements and choose the correct option. (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

Statement I: The first-past-the-post electoral system is considered more democratic, since it  wastes fewer votes and encourages the expression of a wider range of political interests.

Statement II: The proportionate representation electoral system increases the number of parties  able to win seats in a legislature and allows parties concerned with narrow or minority interests  to gain representation.

3. Which of these are salient features of a parliamentary government? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. There is a dual executive, i.e., there is a split between the head of government and the head  of state.

II. The cabinet is a collective decision-making body.

III. The cabinet is not responsible to the Parliament but to the President.  N. The parliamentary majority can force the cabinet to resign.

4. Arrange the following philosophers in a chronological order from the earliest to the latest.  Choose the correct option. (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

5. What does the following statement by Hobbes in Leviathan mean? "In the state of nature,  there is a war of every man against every man". (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

6. According to Aristotle, the rule by a few virtuous people is (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

7. What does the General Will represent according to Rousseau? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

8. ln which of the following texts does the lion and fox metaphor occur? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

9. Who started the bhoodan movement? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

10. Which phrase was popularised by C. Rajagopalachari? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

11. Match the concepts with the thinkers in the following: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

12. Bahishkrit Bharat was launched by (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

13. Identify the name of the book in whose Preface Marx explains his materialist conception of  history: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

14. Servants of India Society was founded by (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

15. When citizens delegate their decision-making powers to their representatives, it means: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

16. According to John Locke, absolute monarchy is inconsistent with civil society because  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. There will be no protection from the violence by the ruler

II. It will be against the purpose for which civil society is formed

III. Absolute monarchy is always inefficient in its functioning

IV. Civil Society is supposed to remedy the defect arising out of a man being a judge in his  own case

17. Match the following: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

18. Who is the founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

19. Who is the author of the Indian War of Independence of 1857? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

20. Which of the following words had been inserted in the Preamble of the Indian Constitution  by way of the 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1976? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

1. Sovereign

2. Socialist

3. Secular

4. Democratic

5. Unity

6. Integrity

21. Match List-I (names of national legislatures) with List-II (countries) and choose correct  answer: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

22. According to the Indian Constitution the Union Parliament and the State legislatures can  both make laws on matters included in the Concurrent List. What happens 'if a conflict arises  between the law enacted by the Parliament and a law enacted by a State legislature on the same  matter?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

23. For citizens of India, Freedom of Religion is a (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

24. Who appoints the Finance Commission of India? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

25. Which Article of the Indian Constitution empowers the Parliament to amend the  Constitution? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

26. Match the document with the issuing organisation: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

27. What does IPCC stand for? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

28. Which among the following are explicitly included in the Universal Declaration of Human  Rights?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.

II. Slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.

III. Everyone has the right to a nationality.

IV. Everyone has a right to compensation against violence.

29. Which among the following happened before the Second World War?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

30. Which among the following is a country that had no colonies in Asia and Africa? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

31. Which of the following countries did not witness protests during the 'Arab 'Spring'?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

32. Arrange the following treaties/treaty bodies in chronological order in which they were  signed/established: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. United Nations

II. Leagne of Nations

III. Warsaw Pact

IV. NATO

33. Match correctly the following titles of books with the names of authors: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

34. A common political response to foreign economic competition is  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

35. Panchsheel is a bilateral treaty between (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

36. Identify the sequence of the following Cold War events: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)  

I. Bay of Pigs Invasion

II. Korean Crisis

III. Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan

IV. Glasnost and Perestroika

V. Oil Embargo

37. Which among the following statements are true? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. UN Security Council has 15 members.

II. UN Security Council has 10 Non-permanent members.

III. UN Security Council is always headad by a permanent member.

IV. UN Security Council Non-permanent members change once every 3 years.

V. UN Security Council meets twice in a year.

38. 'Gujral Doctrine' in India's foreign policy was directed at  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

39. Arrange the following organisations by their year of establishment in chronological order:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. SAARC

II. EU

III. NAFTA

IV. ASEAN

40. Which of the following organizations was established with 'Collective Security' as its core  principle?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

41. Arrange the following revolutions in a chronological order:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. Cuban Revolution

II. French Revolution

III. Iranian Revolution

IV. Bolshevik Revolution

42. Match the following List x (Countries) with List y (Foreign Policies) and choose the correct  option: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

43. Match correctly the items in List x (sports diplomacy) with List y (countries) and choose  the correct option: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

44. According to Marxism each historical epoch has its own  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

45. David Easton's analysis looked at politics in terms of its relationship with (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

46. Which of the following statements are correct? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. All countries follow the proportional representation system.

II. Interest groups contest elections.

III. Political parties articulate the interests of the voters.

IV. In presidential systems, the executive is directly elected.

47. The term 'development of underdevelopment' is associated with  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

48. Match the items in the lists below correctly:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

49. Which of the following statements are correct? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. Australia has a system of compulsory voting.

II. Chechnya is part of China.

III. Provinces in Switzerland are called Cantons.

IV. Catalonian separatism is associated with Portugal.

50. Who among the following prefer the concept 'political system' instead of the 'state'?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

51. The Supreme Court in India has  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

52. Writs are issued by (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

53. Which of the following is true about 'Chipko movement' in India?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

54. Which of the following is often referred to as 'Instrument of Instructions' which need not  always have the force of law?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

55. With which of the following is the Srikrishna Committee Report, 2010 associated?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

56. "________ is a combining committee, a hyphen which joins, a buckle which fastens,  the legislative part of the state to the executive part of the state. In its origin it belongs to the one, in its functions it belongs to the other". Fill in the blank: with the appropriate option given  below:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

57. "A requires that those who oppose the government also indicate who should replace the government if the incumbent loses". Fill in the blank with the appropriate option given below. (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

58. Which of the following countries is often referred to as the "melting pot of cultures"? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

59. Which of the following sets of countries are not members of the European Union? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

60. A democracy in which the government does not depend on a legislative majority to exist is  called  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

61. Time and motion study in the functioning of an organisation is a part of  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

62. Match the institutions with their location:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

63. Who has been closely associated with the concept of Hierarchy of Needs? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

64. The NITI Aayog has been constituted through  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

65. "Public administration is a detailed and systematic execution of law. Every particular  application of law is an act of administration", To whom among the following is this quotation  attributable? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

66. Hawthorne Experiments of Elton Mayo are considered as the bedrock of (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

67. In a verdict in 2018, the Supreme Court of India permitted the entry of women of all ages  into the Sabarimala Temple. Which of the following sets of fundamental rights were in conflict  in the case leading to that verdict? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

68. The concept of bounded rationality is proposed by (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

69. The term used to refer to the number of subordinates under a supervisor is (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

70. The New Public Management approach took root in  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

71. Passage 1: Read the passage and answer the questions No. 71-76

Global International Relations (GIR) scholarship is founded on a comparative historiography  of international systems and orders. This calls, first and foremost, for discarding the  Westphalian mindset when it comes to analyzing the past, present, and future of IR and world  order. The tendency among Western IR theorists to regard centralization (hierarchy and empire,  for example, the Cbinese empire after the Warring States period) as aberrations, while decentralization (the Westphalia model) is seen as the norm of international system is misleading. Because of the hegemonic position of the Westphalian model, IR scholars have  long ignored other types of international systems and orders with a fundamentally different  dynamics of power and ideas (Buzan and Little 1994,2010). Historical patterns of interstate  relations in the non-Western world should be viewed as sources ofIR theorizing, especially if  they can be conceptualized in a manner that would extend their analytical utility and normative  purpose beyond a particular region. For a long while, IR scholars have looked to the  Mediterranean region as an inspiration and source for theory development. Examples include  balance of power tbeory-Thucydides's account of ,the Peloponnesian War, the Rome Carthage rivalry, etc.-the republican secnrity theory origiuating with the Roman republic  (Deudney 2008), aud constructivist contributions on constitutive norms and culture of IR  (Reus-Smit 2001; Lebow 2008).

By contrast, IR scholars pay no attention to classical interactions in the Indian Ocean region.  Yet comparing the classical Mediterranean region and classical Indian Ocean challenges us to  rethink the concept and practice of power, legitimacy, and international orders, all of which are  central concepts in IR. The two regions displayed very different approaches to proVision of  collective goods by the leading power. The Roman Empire promoted trade by conquering all  littoral states and directly controlling the trade routes, with Rome itself as the major ifno! The only beneficiary. By contrast, the Indian Ocean trade, until the advent of the European imperial  powers in the sixteenth century A.D., remained open. Trade flourished without the direct  intervention of a hegemonic power. Hence, the Indian Ocean system suggests a less coercive  role of material power in the making of international systems and orders.

Second, the two regions displayed different patterns and modalities when it came to the flow  of ideas. While there are some similarities between the spread of Greek ideas and culture in the  Mediternmean ("Hellenization") and that of Indian ideas and culture in Southeast Asia  ("Indianization") during the classical period, the latter involved less confrontation and was  more the product of the voluntary initiative of the local rulers. The two cases thus offer two  different images of hegemony and legitimacy in the making of international systems. The  Indian Oceao suggests how local agency and localization of ideas and institutions (including  religious, cultural, and political) shape international systems and orders. We can thUs challenge  the Western stereotype contrasting the open, decentralized, "free," dynamic, and enlightened  West on the one hand, and the closed, static, aod absolutist Orient (Acharya 2013).

[Source: Acharya, Amitav (2014): Global International Relations (IR)and Regional Worlds,  International Studies Quarterly, 58(4), pp.647-59.]

Q. According to the author, existing international relations scholarship is founded on (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

72. Global International Relations (GIR) scholarship best seeks to  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

73. Consider the following statements:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

In the Indian Ocean region 'provision of collective goods by the leading power Was based on

I. Direct intervention by the hegemonic power

II. Closed trade routes

III. Non-coercive role of material power

IV. Indian Ocean region having a weak power'

Which of the statements is/are correct? 

74. Power and legitimacy in the Roman Empire were ensured through  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

75. Spread of Indian culture in Southeast Asia was  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

76. Consider the following statements: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. GIR stresses on localisation of ideas and institutions

II. GIR also includes band-wagoning of smaller countries

III. GIR views the Western world as decentralised, free and dynamic

IV. GIR views the Non-Western world as not closed and static

Which of the statements is/are correct? 

77. Passage 2: Read the passage and answer the questions No. 77-82

Titus Livius, as well as other historians, affinn that nothing is,,more uncertain and inconstant  than the multitude; for it appears from what he relates of the actions of men, that in many  instances the multitude, after having condemned a man to death, bitterly lamented it, and most  earnestly wished him back. This was the case with the Roman people and Manlius  Capitolinus .... "No sooner had they found out that they had nothing to fear from him, than they  began to regret and to wish him back." And elsewhere ... he says: "It is the nature of the  multitude either humbly to serve or insolently to dominate."

I know not whether, in undertaking a cause against the accusations of all wrlter~ I do not  assume a task so hard and so beset with difficulties as to oblige me to abandon it with shame,  or to go with it at the risk of being weighed down by it.

I say, then, that individual men, and especially princes, may be charged with the same defects  of which writers accuse the people: for whoever is not controlled by laws will commit the same  errors as an unbridled multitude. This may easily be verified, for there have been and still are  plenty of princes, and a few good and wise ones, such, I mean, as needed not the curb that  controlled them. [ ... ] They [the kings] should be compared with people equally controlled by  law as those kings were. and then we shall find in that multitude the same good qualities as in  those kings, and we shall see that such a people neither obey with servility nor command with  insolence. Such were the people of Rome, who, so long as that republic remained uncorrupte~  neither obeyed basely nor ruled insolently, but rather held its rank honorably, supporting the  laws and their magistrates. And when the unrighteous ambition of some noble made it  necessary for them to rise up in self-defence, they did so, as in the case of Mq.n.lius, the  Decemvirs, and others who attempted to oppress them; and so when the public good requlred  them to obey the Dictators and Consuls, they promptly yielded obedience. And if the Roman  people regretted Manlius Capitolinus after his death, it is not to be wondered at; for they  regretted his virtues, which had been such that the remembnince of them filled every one with  pity, and would have had the same effect upon any ptince; for all writers agree that virtue is to  be admired and praised, even in one's enemies. And if intense desire could have restored  Manlius to life, the Roman people would nevertheless have pronounced the same judgement  against him as they did the first time .... We have seen princes that were esteemed wise, who  have caused persons to be put to death and afterwards regretted it deeply.

But what our historian says of the character of the multitude does not apply to a people  regulated by laws, as the Romans were, but to an unbridled multitude, such as the Syracusans  who committed all the excesses to which infuriated and unbridled men abandon themselves, as  did Alexander the Great and Herod ....

Therefore the character of the people is not to be blamed any more than that of the ptinces for  both alike are liable to err when they are without any control. [ .... ] Contrary to the general  opinion, then, which maintains that the people when they govern, are inconsistent, unstable,  and ungrateful, I conclude and affIrm that these defects are not more natural to the people than  they are to princes.

[Niccolo Machiavelli, The Discourses]

Q. Which of the following words are used here for describing the multitude?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. ''unpredictable''

II. "reckless"

III. "arroganf'

IV. "uncertain"

V. "unrighteous"

VI. "unstable"

VII. "inconsistent"

78. What is the cause that the author is uudertaking here?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

79. Which of the following statements correctly express the author's opinion about the  people?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. That they always behave according to their rank

II. That they are humble but not servile

III. That they are not necessarily worse than the princes

IV. That when the rulers'are not corrupt and oppressive, the people obey laws

80. What is the author's opinion about the people obeying the Dictator?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

81. What does the author mean by "they regretted his virtues" in the following sentence? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

"And if the Roman people regretted Manlius Capitolinus after his death, it is not to be wondered at; for they regretted his virtues ......

82. Name the historian referred to in the following sentence: ''But what our historian says of ilie character of ilie multitude does not apply to a people regolated by laws, as ilie Romans were, but to an unbridled multitude .... "  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

83. Passage 3: Read the passage and answer the questions No. 83-88

[In post-1947 India] Citizenship was defined by civic and universalist railier than ethnic  criteria, which guaranteed a principle of inclusion in India's democracy. Although it was the  operations of democratic politics that in later decades were to challenge a single conception of  India, democracy was also instrumental in sustaining that conception---through its ability to  include new political entrets within a common, Indian frame. Democracy was intended to  recognize the claims of Indians as individuals. In practice, it was led also to recognize the  claims of groups, and this certainly scattered seeds of future tension. But ilie claims of Indians  as members of particular communities did require 'Some sort of recognition and  accommodation.

Language and religion, those elementary markers that are generally used to ease any  awkwardness of fit between individual and nation, were not given this assignment in India:  neither was adopted as effortless badge ofIndianness. The issue of whether or not India should  embrace a single national language provoked some of the longest, certainly the most bitter  debates in ilie Constituent Assembly during 1948-49: at times iliey threatened to split it  irrevocably. In the pre-Independence period, in defiance of the mixed administrative units of  colonial rule, Gandhi bad reorgardzed Congress into lioguistic units, and encouraged ilie use of provincial languages within them. This initiative made political discussions locally  comprehensible and so helped to turn Congress into a mass movement. English continued as  the language of the national leadership, but everyone agreed that this was a temporary  expedient which in the future would be snperseded by a COnnnon Indian language. The most  likely candidate was Hindnstani, a mongrel of two already hybrid languages, Hindi and Urdu which could be written in either Urdu or Devnagari scripts. Even this, however, was spoken  only by a little over two-fifths of the population, all concentrated in northern India. English  therefore remained the only tongue ·that linked the elites in the north with those in the south.

After Partition, the Hindi-speakers-the largest single language group in the country-began  to press for the adoption of Hindi as the national langoage. Their spokesmen in the Assembly,  claiming to represent a majority, demanded a purge of Urdu words and English technical tenns  from the Hindi laoguage (including, with ironically misplaced zeal, what they thought of as  'Arabic' numerals, which are in fact derived from Sans1crit), and the introduction of a  standardized, purified aod sanskritized Hindi as the national language. People were  symbolically and vehemently divided over the issue of what language would be used for the  Constitution: chaste English or putified Hindi? Hindi lobbyists produced their own version,  brimming with baffiing sanskritized neologisms: its advocates optiutistically cited the Irish  adventure with a Gaelic Constitution. Nehm, however, had to remind them that de Valera had  confessed to him that the Irish were finding the Gaelic edition 'hard going' and were veering  rouod to English. The constitutional ambitions were rendered in legal English, eqnally hard  going and still well outside the linguistic universe of most Indians.

[Source: Sunil Khi1nani, The Idea of India, 2004:173-74]

What, according to the spokesmen of Hindi in the Constituent Assembly, was the strongest  justification for adopting Hindi as the national language? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

84. Which of the following is true about citizenship in India?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

85. What is the intimate connection between citizenship and democratic politics in India? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

86. What was the effect of Nehru's intervention on Hindu lobbyists' attempt to impose Hindi  by invoking the Irish expetiente?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

87. Which of the following was the consequence of linguistic reorganization of the Congress?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

88. Which of the following would be the most appropriate title of this passage? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

89. Passage 4: Read the passage and answer the questions No. 89-94

Inequalities. The evidence is everywhere. So is the concern. People across the world, of all  political persuasions, increasingly believe that income inequality in their CO\ll1try should be  reduced. Inequalities in human development are more profound. Consider two children born in  2000, one in a very high human development country, the other in a low human development  country. Today the first has a more than SO-SO chaoce of being enrolled in higher education:  More than half of 20-year-olds in very high human development countries are in higher  education. In contrast, the second is much less likely to be alive. Some 17 perceI,lt of children  born in low human development countries in 2000 will have died before age 20, compared with  just I percent of children born in very high human development countries. The second child is also unlikely to be in higher education: In low human development countries only 3 percent  are. Circumstances almost entirely beyond their control have already set them on different and  unequal-and likely irreversible-paths. The inequalities are likewise high within countries both developing and developed. In some developed countries the gaps in life expectancy at age  40 between the top 1 percent of the income distribution and the bottom 1 percent have been  estimated to be as higb as 15 years for men and 10 years for women. Inequalities do not always  reflect an unfair world. Some are probably inevitable, such as the inequalities from diffusing a  new technology. But when these unequal paths have little to do with rewarding effort, talent or  entrepreneurial risk-taking, they may offend people's sense of fairness and can be an affront to  human dignity. Such inequalities in human development hurt societies, weakening ,social  cohesion and people's trust in government, institutions and each other. Most hurt econOInies,  wastefully preventiug people from reachiug their full potential at work and in life. They often  make it harder for political decisions to reflect the aspirations of the whole of society and to  protect the planet, as the few pulling abead flex their power to shape decisions primarily in  their interests today. In the extreme, people can take to the streets. These inequalities in human  development are a roadblock to achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.  They are not just about disparities in income and wealth. They cannot be accounted for simply  by using summary measures of inequality that focus on a single dimension. And they will shape  the prospects of people that may live to see the 22nd century. Exploring inequalities in human  development thus has to go beyond income, beyond averages and beyond today.

[Source: Human Development Report, UNDP, 2019:1.]

Q. In which aspect inequalities are profound in developed and developing countries? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

90. Who would be having at least a 50-50 chance to pursue higber education?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

91. More than half of 20- year-olds in very higb human development countries are in (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

92. How many children in the low human development countries are likely to die before attaining the age of 20 years?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

93. What is the percentage of children going to higher education in low human development  country?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

94. Inequalities in human development are a roadblock to achieving  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

95. Passage 5:

According to conventional security theories, as well as most human security scholars, the first  actor and foremost responsible actor for providing human security is the state, i.e. the complex  of institntions that govern a people within a definite territory. This logically follows from the  way the world is socially organised - in states - and rests on the assumption that states are responsible for the security of their people, which is actually one of the key reasons for the  very emergence of states as such.

Another example of this type of actor are external states or multilateral coalitions of states that  intervene to prevent massive violations of human rights, which occur because of either the  lawlessness caused by weak state institutions or the oppressiveness of an authoritarian regime.  The strategy of such interventions is that the traditional state's structures which should provide  security are assisted - in the case of an operation labelled as 'R2P' - or bypassed without  consent - in the case of a humanitarian intervention - in order to directly help the people in  need. The reason for such courses of action is the fact that the state's security apparatus is not  doing what it is supposed to do, i.e. actually providing security. In failed states this is  characterised by a lac of control, because of which lawlessness and crime can prevail, while  in oppressive states, the very security apparatus is used to control and oppress the population  or specific groups of people.

In time of conflict, when human security from above can (apparently) no longer be relied upon,  human security from below prevails; self~protection and horizontally organised forms of  security emerge, as sub-state structures, like families (clans), political factions and militias  (partly) take over the traditional role of the state as security provider, sometimes by establishing  a localised monopoly on the use offorce, a security zone. The longer these sub-state structures  exist, the more difficult it becomes to neglect them, especially when they enjoy considerable  popular support. Critical Security Studies specifically take these sub~ or non-state actors into  account

While bypassing the state's official (human) security structures, external interventions often  also bypass these sub-state actors. Despite the supposed prevalence of individuals over the  state, human security from below initiativ~s, which are partly fonns of transitional security but  may well transfonn into entities in their own right in the political landscape of the state where  the conflict is taking place, are often neglected. 1.,. fac~ in most cases such initiatives are viewed  as major obstacles (spoilers) on the road to restoring central power. But while violent conflict  does not only leave physical scars, the social and security fabric also suffers severely,  something that too often remains understated. The reconfiguration of the security fabric, which  is a logical consequence of violent conflict, is interpreted as an unwanted temporary· phase, in  which local actors are undesired competitors, instead of a (temporary) countermeasure to the  grave insecurity that characterises war, which many people who are confronted with the daily  violence prefer over the absence of any order at all. ..

[Source: Mient Jau Faber and Martljn Dekker, "Violent Conflict aud the Individual Security  Dilemma", in Mary Martin and Taylor Owen (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Human Security,  2014:125-138]

Q. Which of the following is tha most important actor responsible for providing security,  according to the authors?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

96. Passage 5:

According to conventional security theories, as well as most human security scholars, the first  actor and foremost responsible actor for providing human security is the state, i.e. the complex  of institntions that govern a people within a definite territory. This logically follows from the  way the world is socially organised - in states - and rests on the assumption that states are responsible for the security of their people, which is actually one of the key reasons for the  very emergence of states as such.

Another example of this type of actor are external states or multilateral coalitions of states that  intervene to prevent massive violations of human rights, which occur because of either the  lawlessness caused by weak state institutions or the oppressiveness of an authoritarian regime.  The strategy of such interventions is that the traditional state's structures which should provide  security are assisted - in the case of an operation labelled as 'R2P' - or bypassed without  consent - in the case of a humanitarian intervention - in order to directly help the people in  need. The reason for such courses of action is the fact that the state's security apparatus is not  doing what it is supposed to do, i.e. actually providing security. In failed states this is  characterised by a lac of control, because of which lawlessness and crime can prevail, while  in oppressive states, the very security apparatus is used to control and oppress the population  or specific groups of people.

In time of conflict, when human security from above can (apparently) no longer be relied upon,  human security from below prevails; self~protection and horizontally organised forms of  security emerge, as sub-state structures, like families (clans), political factions and militias  (partly) take over the traditional role of the state as security provider, sometimes by establishing  a localised monopoly on the use offorce, a security zone. The longer these sub-state structures  exist, the more difficult it becomes to neglect them, especially when they enjoy considerable  popular support. Critical Security Studies specifically take these sub~ or non-state actors into  account

While bypassing the state's official (human) security structures, external interventions often  also bypass these sub-state actors. Despite the supposed prevalence of individuals over the  state, human security from below initiativ~s, which are partly fonns of transitional security but  may well transfonn into entities in their own right in the political landscape of the state where  the conflict is taking place, are often neglected. 1.,. fac~ in most cases such initiatives are viewed  as major obstacles (spoilers) on the road to restoring central power. But while violent conflict  does not only leave physical scars, the social and security fabric also suffers severely,  something that too often remains understated. The reconfiguration of the security fabric, which  is a logical consequence of violent conflict, is interpreted as an unwanted temporary· phase, in  which local actors are undesired competitors, instead of a (temporary) countermeasure to the  grave insecurity that characterises war, which many people who are confronted with the daily  violence prefer over the absence of any order at all. ..

[Source: Mient Jau Faber and Martljn Dekker, "Violent Conflict aud the Individual Security  Dilemma", in Mary Martin and Taylor Owen (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Human Security,  2014:125-138]

Q. The authors refer to the state as lithe complex of institutions that govern a people within a  definite territory". Which other aspect essential to defining the state is missing here?  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

97. Passage 5:

According to conventional security theories, as well as most human security scholars, the first  actor and foremost responsible actor for providing human security is the state, i.e. the complex  of institntions that govern a people within a definite territory. This logically follows from the  way the world is socially organised - in states - and rests on the assumption that states are responsible for the security of their people, which is actually one of the key reasons for the  very emergence of states as such.

Another example of this type of actor are external states or multilateral coalitions of states that  intervene to prevent massive violations of human rights, which occur because of either the  lawlessness caused by weak state institutions or the oppressiveness of an authoritarian regime.  The strategy of such interventions is that the traditional state's structures which should provide  security are assisted - in the case of an operation labelled as 'R2P' - or bypassed without  consent - in the case of a humanitarian intervention - in order to directly help the people in  need. The reason for such courses of action is the fact that the state's security apparatus is not  doing what it is supposed to do, i.e. actually providing security. In failed states this is  characterised by a lac of control, because of which lawlessness and crime can prevail, while  in oppressive states, the very security apparatus is used to control and oppress the population  or specific groups of people.

In time of conflict, when human security from above can (apparently) no longer be relied upon,  human security from below prevails; self~protection and horizontally organised forms of  security emerge, as sub-state structures, like families (clans), political factions and militias  (partly) take over the traditional role of the state as security provider, sometimes by establishing  a localised monopoly on the use offorce, a security zone. The longer these sub-state structures  exist, the more difficult it becomes to neglect them, especially when they enjoy considerable  popular support. Critical Security Studies specifically take these sub~ or non-state actors into  account

While bypassing the state's official (human) security structures, external interventions often  also bypass these sub-state actors. Despite the supposed prevalence of individuals over the  state, human security from below initiativ~s, which are partly fonns of transitional security but  may well transfonn into entities in their own right in the political landscape of the state where  the conflict is taking place, are often neglected. 1.,. fac~ in most cases such initiatives are viewed  as major obstacles (spoilers) on the road to restoring central power. But while violent conflict  does not only leave physical scars, the social and security fabric also suffers severely,  something that too often remains understated. The reconfiguration of the security fabric, which  is a logical consequence of violent conflict, is interpreted as an unwanted temporary· phase, in  which local actors are undesired competitors, instead of a (temporary) countermeasure to the  grave insecurity that characterises war, which many people who are confronted with the daily  violence prefer over the absence of any order at all. ..

[Source: Mient Jau Faber and Martljn Dekker, "Violent Conflict aud the Individual Security  Dilemma", in Mary Martin and Taylor Owen (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Human Security,  2014:125-138]

Q. Arrange the following in increasing order of their institutional scope: (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. Multinational Organisations

II. State

III. Families

IV. Militias

98. Passage 5:

According to conventional security theories, as well as most human security scholars, the first  actor and foremost responsible actor for providing human security is the state, i.e. the complex  of institntions that govern a people within a definite territory. This logically follows from the  way the world is socially organised - in states - and rests on the assumption that states are responsible for the security of their people, which is actually one of the key reasons for the  very emergence of states as such.

Another example of this type of actor are external states or multilateral coalitions of states that  intervene to prevent massive violations of human rights, which occur because of either the  lawlessness caused by weak state institutions or the oppressiveness of an authoritarian regime.  The strategy of such interventions is that the traditional state's structures which should provide  security are assisted - in the case of an operation labelled as 'R2P' - or bypassed without  consent - in the case of a humanitarian intervention - in order to directly help the people in  need. The reason for such courses of action is the fact that the state's security apparatus is not  doing what it is supposed to do, i.e. actually providing security. In failed states this is  characterised by a lac of control, because of which lawlessness and crime can prevail, while  in oppressive states, the very security apparatus is used to control and oppress the population  or specific groups of people.

In time of conflict, when human security from above can (apparently) no longer be relied upon,  human security from below prevails; self~protection and horizontally organised forms of  security emerge, as sub-state structures, like families (clans), political factions and militias  (partly) take over the traditional role of the state as security provider, sometimes by establishing  a localised monopoly on the use offorce, a security zone. The longer these sub-state structures  exist, the more difficult it becomes to neglect them, especially when they enjoy considerable  popular support. Critical Security Studies specifically take these sub~ or non-state actors into  account

While bypassing the state's official (human) security structures, external interventions often  also bypass these sub-state actors. Despite the supposed prevalence of individuals over the  state, human security from below initiativ~s, which are partly fonns of transitional security but  may well transfonn into entities in their own right in the political landscape of the state where  the conflict is taking place, are often neglected. 1.,. fac~ in most cases such initiatives are viewed  as major obstacles (spoilers) on the road to restoring central power. But while violent conflict  does not only leave physical scars, the social and security fabric also suffers severely,  something that too often remains understated. The reconfiguration of the security fabric, which  is a logical consequence of violent conflict, is interpreted as an unwanted temporary· phase, in  which local actors are undesired competitors, instead of a (temporary) countermeasure to the  grave insecurity that characterises war, which many people who are confronted with the daily  violence prefer over the absence of any order at all. ..

[Source: Mient Jau Faber and Martljn Dekker, "Violent Conflict aud the Individual Security  Dilemma", in Mary Martin and Taylor Owen (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Human Security,  2014:125-138]

Consider the following statements and identify which are true:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. The world is socially organised in states.

II. Humanitarian interventions are necessitated when states are perfonning their role as security providers.

III. Crime is rampant in failed states.

IV. External interventions bypass the state but never the sub-state actors.

99. Passage 5:

According to conventional security theories, as well as most human security scholars, the first  actor and foremost responsible actor for providing human security is the state, i.e. the complex  of institntions that govern a people within a definite territory. This logically follows from the  way the world is socially organised - in states - and rests on the assumption that states are responsible for the security of their people, which is actually one of the key reasons for the  very emergence of states as such.

Another example of this type of actor are external states or multilateral coalitions of states that  intervene to prevent massive violations of human rights, which occur because of either the  lawlessness caused by weak state institutions or the oppressiveness of an authoritarian regime.  The strategy of such interventions is that the traditional state's structures which should provide  security are assisted - in the case of an operation labelled as 'R2P' - or bypassed without  consent - in the case of a humanitarian intervention - in order to directly help the people in  need. The reason for such courses of action is the fact that the state's security apparatus is not  doing what it is supposed to do, i.e. actually providing security. In failed states this is  characterised by a lac of control, because of which lawlessness and crime can prevail, while  in oppressive states, the very security apparatus is used to control and oppress the population  or specific groups of people.

In time of conflict, when human security from above can (apparently) no longer be relied upon,  human security from below prevails; self~protection and horizontally organised forms of  security emerge, as sub-state structures, like families (clans), political factions and militias  (partly) take over the traditional role of the state as security provider, sometimes by establishing  a localised monopoly on the use offorce, a security zone. The longer these sub-state structures  exist, the more difficult it becomes to neglect them, especially when they enjoy considerable  popular support. Critical Security Studies specifically take these sub~ or non-state actors into  account

While bypassing the state's official (human) security structures, external interventions often  also bypass these sub-state actors. Despite the supposed prevalence of individuals over the  state, human security from below initiativ~s, which are partly fonns of transitional security but  may well transfonn into entities in their own right in the political landscape of the state where  the conflict is taking place, are often neglected. 1.,. fac~ in most cases such initiatives are viewed  as major obstacles (spoilers) on the road to restoring central power. But while violent conflict  does not only leave physical scars, the social and security fabric also suffers severely,  something that too often remains understated. The reconfiguration of the security fabric, which  is a logical consequence of violent conflict, is interpreted as an unwanted temporary· phase, in  which local actors are undesired competitors, instead of a (temporary) countermeasure to the  grave insecurity that characterises war, which many people who are confronted with the daily  violence prefer over the absence of any order at all. ..

[Source: Mient Jau Faber and Martljn Dekker, "Violent Conflict aud the Individual Security  Dilemma", in Mary Martin and Taylor Owen (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Human Security,  2014:125-138]

Q. Which of the following are understated consequences of violent conflict? (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)

I. Damage to the social fabric

II. Damage to the security fabric

III. Physical scars of the conflict

IV. Restoration of central power

100. Passage 5:

According to conventional security theories, as well as most human security scholars, the first  actor and foremost responsible actor for providing human security is the state, i.e. the complex  of institntions that govern a people within a definite territory. This logically follows from the  way the world is socially organised - in states - and rests on the assumption that states are responsible for the security of their people, which is actually one of the key reasons for the  very emergence of states as such.

Another example of this type of actor are external states or multilateral coalitions of states that  intervene to prevent massive violations of human rights, which occur because of either the  lawlessness caused by weak state institutions or the oppressiveness of an authoritarian regime.  The strategy of such interventions is that the traditional state's structures which should provide  security are assisted - in the case of an operation labelled as 'R2P' - or bypassed without  consent - in the case of a humanitarian intervention - in order to directly help the people in  need. The reason for such courses of action is the fact that the state's security apparatus is not  doing what it is supposed to do, i.e. actually providing security. In failed states this is  characterised by a lac of control, because of which lawlessness and crime can prevail, while  in oppressive states, the very security apparatus is used to control and oppress the population  or specific groups of people.

In time of conflict, when human security from above can (apparently) no longer be relied upon,  human security from below prevails; self~protection and horizontally organised forms of  security emerge, as sub-state structures, like families (clans), political factions and militias  (partly) take over the traditional role of the state as security provider, sometimes by establishing  a localised monopoly on the use offorce, a security zone. The longer these sub-state structures  exist, the more difficult it becomes to neglect them, especially when they enjoy considerable  popular support. Critical Security Studies specifically take these sub~ or non-state actors into  account

While bypassing the state's official (human) security structures, external interventions often  also bypass these sub-state actors. Despite the supposed prevalence of individuals over the  state, human security from below initiativ~s, which are partly fonns of transitional security but  may well transfonn into entities in their own right in the political landscape of the state where  the conflict is taking place, are often neglected. 1.,. fac~ in most cases such initiatives are viewed  as major obstacles (spoilers) on the road to restoring central power. But while violent conflict  does not only leave physical scars, the social and security fabric also suffers severely,  something that too often remains understated. The reconfiguration of the security fabric, which  is a logical consequence of violent conflict, is interpreted as an unwanted temporary· phase, in  which local actors are undesired competitors, instead of a (temporary) countermeasure to the  grave insecurity that characterises war, which many people who are confronted with the daily  violence prefer over the absence of any order at all. ..

[Source: Mient Jau Faber and Martljn Dekker, "Violent Conflict aud the Individual Security  Dilemma", in Mary Martin and Taylor Owen (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Human Security,  2014:125-138]

Q. Match the Following:  (University of Hyderabad MA 2020)