1. Functionalism is the modern successor to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

2. Match the following methods with their meanings and choose the correct answer: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

3. The term 'elenchus' used to describe Socrates' method means: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

4. Gadamer's 'hermeneutic circle' refers to the process of: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

5. The notion of aufheben or sublation is a moment of: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

6. Longitudinal studies are done to understand: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

7. The problem of 'individual fallacy' indicates the following situation: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

8. Methodological individualism implies: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

9. Separation of 'Facts and Values' and 'Subject and Object' are the core concerns of: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

10. Which of the following can best be methodologically associated with attempts to consider Indian democracy as a case of false exceptionalism? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

11. Controlled comparisons of subnational policy outcomes are made when the policy under study is: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

12. What is the meaning of the Law of inertia of large numbers? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

13. A systematic sample is: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

14. In social science research, the term triangulation refers to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

15. When you formulate a hypothesis for the sole purpose of rejecting it is called: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

16. What test would you use to find out association or independence of attributes? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

17. "Does social capital provide a means for advancing economic development, promoting ethnic peace, and strengthening democratic governance?" (Anirudh Krishna). Identify the independent variable in this research question. (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

18. A closed-ended question is one which: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

19. Procedures that enable us to decide whether to reject or accept hypothesis are called: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

20. Median is: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

21. A variable Y is determined from a variable X according to the equation (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

Y = 2X-3. Find Y when X= -2, -1, 0, 1, 2, 3, 4.

22. Qualitative data is collected using the methods of: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

23. Specifying the meaning of a concept and stating the terms by which it will be measured is known as: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

24. Passage 1: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 24-27

European civilization seeks to create unity by keeping differences at bay, or by destroying difference and bringing about homogeneity. On the other hand, Indian civilization docs not deny differences, but, by recognizing them and demarcating the relation of each group with all the others, tries to find a place for all in society. "That the bringing together of the diverse into one, of making the stranger into one's own, is not the same as turning everything into a homogeneous mass - do we, in this country, have to shout this truth from the rooftops?"

The arrangement by which social unity was sought, even as differences were also recognized, is the Indian caste system. In the Swadeshi period, Tagore even claimed that had the ancient makers of the siistra known of the Muslim and Christian inhabitants of the country, they would not have restricted their rules to only the Hindu castes but "would have defined the claims of all of these alien groups with the Hindu samaj in such a way that there would not have been frequent conflicts between them." In 1911-12, when he was thoroughly disillusioned by the politics of the Swadeshi movement, Tagore was still writing, in the context of the history of caste conflicts in India: "It is not in India's nature to scatter itself among the many. India seeks unity, which is why it strives to contain diversity within the bounds of unity."

Later, in his Nationalism lectures, he says much the same thing about the caste system in India, and reminds his American audience that unlike the European conquerors of the Americas, the Aryans did not try to annihilate the non-Aryan peoples of India but instead sought to include them within society while recognizing their differences. Of course, by 1917 Tagore was far more conscious and articulate than before about the rigidity, and consequent injustices, of the caste system: "...In her caste regulations, India recognized differences, but not the mutability which is the law of life. In trying to avoid collisions shc set up boundaries of immovable walls, thus giving to her numerous races the negative benefit of peace and order but not the positive opportunity of expansion and movement."

Yet Tagore insisted at the same time that "india tolerated difference of races from the first, and that spirit of toleration has acted all through her history. Her caste system is the out come of this spirit of toleration." He had no doubt"at this time that india's ideal was "neither the colour less vagueness of cosmopolitanism, nor the fierce self-idolatry of nation-worship," but social unity through recognition of the mutual differences of races and communities.

[Partha Chatterjee, "The Indian Non-Nation: Imagining with Tagore"]

Q. Indian civilization: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

25. By 1917, Tagore was: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

26. Tagore felt that India sought unity because: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

27. According to Tagore, the Indian ideal was: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

28. Passage 2: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 28-31

A commitment to equality is in many respects the defining feature of socialist ideology, equality being the political value that most clearly distinguishes socialism from its rivals, notably liberalism and conservatism. Conservatives believe society to be naturally hierarchic, and therefore reject the idea of social equality as simply absurd. Liberals, however, are committed to equality, but on the grounds that all individuals are of equal moral worth and are therefore entitled to equal rights and respect. They arc nevertheless born with very different talents and skills and are entitled to be rewarded accordingly: those who work hard and possess abilities deserve to be wealthier than those who do not. Liberals therefore favour equality of opportunity, but see no reason why this should, or will, lead to social and economic equality. Socialism is characterized by its belief in social equality, or equality of outcome. Socialists have advanced at least three arguments in favour of this form of equality.

First, social equality upholds justice or fairness. Socialists are reluctant to explain the inequality of wealth in terms of innate differences of ability amongst individuals. Socialists believe that just as capitalism has fostered competitive and selfish behaviour, human inequality very largely reflects the unequal structure of society. They do not hold the naive belief that all people are born identical, possessing precisely the same capacities and skills. An egalitarian society would not, for instance, be one in which all students gain the same mark in their mathematics examinations. Nevertheless, socialists believe that the most significant forms of human inequality are a result of unequal treatment by society, rather than unequal endowment by nature. Justice, from a socialist perspective, therefore demands that people are treated equally, or at least more equally, by society in terms of their rewards and material circumstances. Formal equality, in its legal and political Senses, is clearly inadequate because it disregards the structural inequalities of the capitalist system. Equality of opportunity, for its part:, legitimizes inequality by perpetuating the myth of innate inequality.

Second, social equality underpins community and cooperation. If people live in equal social circumstances, they will be more likely to identify with one another and work together for common benefit. Equal outcomes therefore strengthen social solidarity. Social inequality, by the same token, leads to conflict and instability. This is most clearly reflected in socialist theories about class contlict, or even 'class war'. It also explains why socialists have criticized equality of opportunity for breeding a 'survival of the fittest' mentality. R. H. Tawney, for example, dismissed it as a 'tadpole philosophy' .

Third, socialist.. support social equality because they hold that need-satisfaction is the basis for human fulfilment and self-realization. A 'need' is a necessity: it demands satisfaction; it is not simply a frivolous wish or a passing fancy. Basic needs, such as the need for food, water, shelter, companionship and so on, are fundamental to the human condition, which means that, for socialists, their satisfaction is the very stuff of freedom. Since all people have broadly similar needs, distributing wealth on the basis of need-satisfaction has clearly egalitarian implications. Unlike liberals, socialists therefore believe that freedom and equality are compatible principles. Nevertheless, need-satisfaction can also have inegalitarian implications, as in the case of so-called 'special' needs, arising, for instance, from physical or mental disability. [Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies, 2012]

Q. According to the author the Liberals: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

29. What does 'tadpole' philosophy stand for? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

30. How do socialists criticise equality of opportunity? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

31. What does equal outcome achieve? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

32. Passage 3: Read the passages given below and answer the questions No. 32-35

So far I have been describing the damage done by persistent and endemic poverty as a kind of violence on the poor. However, what justification is there for the use of the term violence to describe the injuries caused by poverty? Further, why describe it as structural violence? Even if we accept this term, there remains the question of why the state should be linked to it. One way to further a careful and critical appreciation of the term structural violence is to ask what kind of limitation it imposes on one's analysis and imagination. I shall argue below that structural violence is both necessary and problematic as an analytical category.

When Max Weber defined the state as the institution that has "the monopoly of violence within a given territory," he was not thinking about structural violence. Rather, he employed violence in the usual sense of a direct act afforce that causes physical harm to another person. I take the term structural violence from a germinal article published by Johan Galtung in the Journal of Peace Research in 1969. Galtung's definition of violence takes one far afield from a narrow focus on the somatic. He identifies violence to be any situation in which there is a difference between the potential and actual somatic and mental achievements of people. Put another way, violence occurs in any situation in which people are unable to achieve their capacities or capabilities to their full potential and almost certainly if they are unable to do so to the same extent as others.

The reason such violence is considered to be structural is that it is impossible to identify a single actor who commits the violence. Instead the violence is impersonal, built into the structure of power. Far from being intended, violence in this sense does not even have to be causcd by a particular agent. What one finds here is a classically structuralist social theory wedded to consequentialism. Gaitung's interest is in outcomes, not in processes. Whenever outcomes are unequal, violence is present. In fact, in this way of thinking, any system with Icss than full equality displays evidence of violence. The absence of violence is an ideal state that is not likely to be achieved in any given social formation. This interest in outcomes, however, has a broad scope,

not limited to questions of food, livelihood, and income. Structural violence is a capacious term that encompasses not only the exclusion from entitlements such as food and water, but also the exclusion of certain groups from particular fonns of recognition (citizenship rights, equal rights before law, right to education, representation and so on)...

The difference between structural violence and direct violence goes even further. In its ordinary meaning, violence requires a perpetrator who commits the violent act and a victim who is injured by it. In the case of structural violence, although there is a victim-someone who is injured by the inequities of social arrangements, it is hard to identify a perpetrator. It is not a victimless crime but its opposite: a crime without a criminal. This particular fact raises the question of what makes it different from the destructiveness of natural disaster-the devastation that a hurricane or an earthquake  can cause in the lives of the poor. One does not identify natural disasters as violence xcept perhaps when one speaks metaphorically ofthe violence of nature...

Why should the ill effects of structural inequities be termed violence at all? Is there not a danger of conflating two very different phenomena by the use of such a term? I believe the analytical perils are very real. However, there is one compelling-perhaps overwhelming reason to retain a focus on violence; it keeps one's attention on its impact on mortality. Structural violence results in the premature and untimely deaths of people.... What distinguishes such violence from the destruction caused by acts of nature is that these unfortunate outcomes result from the deliberate actions of social agents. One must keep in mind that certain classes of people have a stake in perpetuating a social order in which such extreme suffering is not only tolerated but also taken as normal. All those who benefit from the status quo and do not wish to see it changed then become complicit in this violence against the poor. In a country like India., the perpetrators of violence include not only the elites but also the fast-growing middle class whose increasing number and greater consumer power are being celebrated by an aggressive global capitalism.

[Akhil Gupta, Red Tape: Bureaucracy, Structural Violence, and Poverty in India, 2012]

Q. This passage expands the notion of violence to include: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

33. A structuralist theory is interested in: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

34. A crime without a criminal in this passage refers to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

35. For this author, poverty is NOT limited to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

36. The idea that castes form a graded system of sovereignties is proposed by: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

37. Thinkers like Hobbes and Locke are: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

38. Tacit consent is an idea proposed by: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

39. False consciousness is: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

40. Gramsci's concept of hegemony refers to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

41. The concept of over-determination as used by Althusser means: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

42. Who among the following thinkers makes a distinction between antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradictions? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

43. "Reason has always existed but not in a reasonable form". Who says this? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

44. Who says, "Lokniti is the child of Rajniti"? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

45. According to Michael Walzer, complex equality refers to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

46. According to Socrates, justice, as a curative practice, is comparable to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

47. The first work by Hegel which discusses the master-slave dialectic is: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

48. Which one of the following belongs to Max Weber's three-fold scheme of the classification of political regimes (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

49. Which among the following, according to Almond and Powell, is an output function of political systems? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

50. Which country follows the system of collective presidency constituted by a Federal Council? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

51. David Apter speaks of four stages of political modernisation. Identify the fourth stage from the ones given below: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

52. In comparative political studies, classification of regimes and countries is done through grouping them according to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

53. Prediction in Comparative Politics is made in: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

54. 'System of States' and 'Society of States' differ on the question of: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

55. One of the following is not part of Traditional Realism: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

56. The United States recently withdrew from the membership of: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

57. Consider the following statements about India's federal polity: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

i. It is considered as a 'holding-together' polity

ii. It is a 'demos-constraining' and not 'demos-enabling' polity

iii. It is a centralized polity where the centre has preponderant powers over the states

Which of the statements made above are true?

58. Consider the distinction between civil society and political society in India:  (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

i. Civil society and political society are essentially the same albeit with a different nomenclature

ii. While civil sodety is a democratic space where the educated middle class negotiate their rights within constitutional norms and rules, political society is an unruly space where the marginalized and poor negotiate their rights by resorting to violent and extra-constitutional means

iii. While the question of redistribution is a paramount consideration in political society, it is not the case in civil society

Which of the statements given above are true?

59. In the literature on political economy of India's economic reforms, which of the following best represents the idea of a 'divided leviathan'? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

60. Consider the following statements about the 'regulating' nature of the Indian state: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

i. The Presidency, Courts and the Election Commission are the key drivers of the 'regulating' state

ii. The transformation of India's economy from a 'command economy' to a 'federal market' economy facilitates the 'regulating' role of the Indian state

iii. The Indian state sheds its hitherto interventionist role and regulates competition between and across states for attracting capital and investment

Which of the statements given above are true?

61. Consider the following statements about Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA): (University of Hyderabad Ph.D. 2019)

i. The BP Jeevan Reddy Committee recommended its repeal and replacement by Unlawful Activities Prevention Act

ii. It warrants onty ajunior commissioned officer to search, ransack, and shoot to kill merely on the ground of suspicion

iii. Army in the line of duty enjoys full immunity under AFSPA

Which of the statements given above are true?

62. According to Guy Peters, as a result of synthesis of the nature of political system and typology of policies, the consociational democracy produces: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

63. When there is a conflict of interest between two groups representing development for profit vs equal social distribution of resources, then which of the following models provides conceptual framework to understand the phenomenon? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

64. 124^th  Amendment to the Constitution of India is related to: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

65. Who among the following is credited with the Incrementalism model of decision making? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

66. Paul Appleby's statement that "all administration today is political since it must be responsive to the public interest" challenges the principle of: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

67. The process by which former subjects are recruited as active participants in organizational and electoral activities for influencing political decision 'making is referred to as: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

68. The Industrial Revolution produced two lines of conflict between: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

i. Rural landed interests and the emerging classes of commercial and industrial entrepreneurs

ii. Church and the State

iii. Owning classes and the tenants and workers

iv. Educated and the Uneducated

Which of the statements made above are true?

69. Who, among the following, has contributed to the study of culture and politics and is known for his original ideas about how subaltern groups, especially peasants in developing countries, resist domination? (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)

70. In his book Who Governs?, Robert Dahl shows that: (University of Hyderabad Ph.D 2019)