The incorrect option regarding the laws made towards protecting the rights of women in India is:

3. Traffic in Women and Children Act, 1966

This act does not exist. The other three options are correct and refer to existing laws aimed at protecting women's rights in India:

1. Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1986 - This act is aimed at preventing trafficking for the purpose of prostitution.
2. Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 - This act provides protection to women from domestic violence.
3. The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 - This act addresses the prevention and redressal of sexual harassment at the workplace.

The concept of the "Second Democratic Upsurge" was proposed by Rajni Kothari, a prominent Indian political scientist and scholar. Kothari coined this term to describe the resurgence of grassroots democratic movements in India during the 1970s, which challenged established political structures and brought about significant changes in the country's political landscape. His work highlighted the importance of decentralized, participatory democracy and the empowerment of marginalized groups in Indian politics.

Yogendra Yadav, a noted Indian academic, political scientist, and former member of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), has also contributed significantly to the understanding and analysis of the concept of the "Second Democratic Upsurge." Yadav has extensively studied grassroots democratic movements in India and has written about their significance in contemporary Indian politics.

While Rajni Kothari originally coined the term "Second Democratic Upsurge" to describe the resurgence of grassroots democratic movements in the 1970s, Yogendra Yadav has further developed and expanded upon this concept in his research and writings. Yadav has explored how these movements have evolved over time and their impact on Indian democracy, governance, and political participation.

Yadav's work emphasizes the role of civil society organizations, social movements, and grassroots mobilization in deepening democracy and fostering social change in India. He has highlighted the importance of decentralization, citizen participation, and bottom-up approaches to governance as key elements of the Second Democratic Upsurge.

Rajni Kothari originated the concept of the "Second Democratic Upsurge," Yogendra Yadav has contributed significantly to its development and elaboration through his research, writings, and advocacy for grassroots democracy in India.

Rajni Kothari introduced the concept of the "Second Democratic Upsurge" in his influential work titled "State Against Democracy: In Search of Humane Governance." Published in 1988, this book explores the dynamics of democracy and governance in India, particularly focusing on the challenges posed by the state's relationship with society and the role of grassroots democratic movements in shaping Indian politics.

Yogendra Yadav observes shift in changing participation of different social groups in terms of democratic upsurge. He divides this upsurge into two phases: phase of first democratic upsurge; second phase of democratic upsurge. The first democratic upsurge indicated the rise of backward classes during the 1960s-1970s, and the second democratic upsurge shows the increasing participation of Dalits. This has been due to the effective role played by the caste organizations.

Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India is written by Nicholas B. Dirks. Published in 2001, the book explores how British colonial rule in India institutionalized and redefined caste as a rigid social structure. Dirks argues that the British administration and their anthropological studies played a significant role in shaping the modern understanding of caste, transforming it into a central feature of Indian society and identity, which was not as rigid or all-encompassing before colonial rule.

The chronology of states' bifurcation in India after 1956:

• 1960 - Bombay state split into Maharashtra and Gujarat
• 1963 - Nagaland carved out of Assam
• 1966 - Haryana and Himachal Pradesh carved out of Punjab state
• 1972 - Meghalaya , Manipur and Tripura were formed
• 1975 - Sikkim became part of Indian union
• 1987 - Goa and Arunachal Pradesh became states (earlier these were UTs)
• 2000 - Uttaranchal (out of UP), Jharkhand (out of Bihar) and Chhattisgarh (out of Madhya Pradesh) were formed
• Telangana (out of Andhra Pradesh), when it was eventually created in 2014, became India's 29th state.

The idea of caste being framed as a "sacred" rather than a "secular" entity has been a significant subject in the study of Indian society and culture. This perspective is rooted in the religious and ritualistic interpretation of caste, particularly in how caste is intertwined with Hindu religious beliefs and practices.

Caste, traditionally defined in Hinduism through the varna and jati systems, is often regarded as a sacred institution because of its basis in religious texts like the Manusmriti and its association with purity, pollution, and ritual duties. In this view, caste is not merely a social hierarchy but also a divine order, where one's birth into a specific caste is seen as a result of karma, tied to notions of spiritual duty (dharma) and the cosmic order (rta). The sanctity of caste is upheld through rituals, endogamy, and strict social boundaries regarding food, occupation, and social interactions.

Sociologists like Louis Dumont argued that caste, in the Indian context, operates in the domain of the sacred, particularly because of its deep-rooted link with religious practices and ideological justifications. Dumont, in his work Homo Hierarchicus, emphasizes that caste is not just a form of social stratification but a religiously sanctioned hierarchy, where concepts of purity and pollution maintain the boundaries between different castes.

On the other hand, the "secular" understanding of caste refers to its manifestation as a social, economic, and political category, where caste functions as a tool for social stratification, control, and exclusion, often manipulated for political gain in modern times. Here, caste is seen more in terms of power, resources, and social mobility, separate from its religious connotations.

Thus, to "make caste sacred" is to emphasize its religious and ritualistic foundations, whereas to "secularize" caste would mean treating it as a sociopolitical construct.

Rajni Kothari’s concept of "One Party Domination" in India refers to the Indian National Congress's political dominance in the early decades after independence. Kothari argued that the Congress acted as a central political force, integrating diverse social, economic, and regional interests, making it more than just a party. The Congress maintained its dominance not through authoritarian control, but by accommodating opposition and internal dissent, functioning like a broad coalition. Its deep roots in India's freedom struggle, wide organizational reach, and ability to adapt allowed it to monopolize power while allowing opposition parties to exist, though with limited influence.

First-past-the-post system

In the Block Vote System, voters have as many votes as there are seats to be filled, and the candidates with the highest number of votes win. This system is used in multi-member constituencies and is a plurality/majority system, similar in nature to the first-past-the-post system used in single-member districts.

Kohli's "crisis of governability" thesis essentially captures the inability of the Indian state to manage and mediate conflicting demands within a highly diverse and socially mobilized society. Political fragmentation, weak institutions, and economic and social inequalities interact to produce a governance crisis, which manifests as ineffective administration, policy paralysis, and weak state authority.

The "Congress System," coined by Indian political scientist Rajni Kothari, describes the dominant position of the Indian National Congress in the early decades after India's independence. Kothari argued that the Congress functioned as an umbrella organization, encompassing diverse interests and ideologies, allowing it to maintain political dominance. Rather than suppressing opposition, the Congress co-opted various social groups and political factions, acting as a mediating force in India's pluralistic society. This system was marked by Congress's ability to adapt and absorb dissent, making it central to Indian politics while allowing space for regional and opposition parties to exist.

Vaikom Satyagraha (from 30 March 1924 to 23 November 1925), was a nonviolent agitation for access to the prohibited public environs of the Vaikom Temple in the Kingdom of Travancore. Kingdom of Travancore was known for its rigid and oppressive caste system. The campaign, led by Congress leaders T. K. Madhavan, K.

The author of the provocatively titled article "An Anti-Secularist Manifesto" is Ashis Nandy. Ashis Nandy is a renowned Indian political psychologist, social theorist, and critic who has written extensively on various aspects of Indian society, including politics, culture, and the role of secularism in India. His works often challenge conventional views and provoke debate on key societal issues.

The Vishaka Guidelines were a set of procedural guidelines established by the Supreme Court of India in 1997 to address the issue of sexual harassment of women at the workplace. These guidelines were created in response to the lack of specific legislation to address workplace sexual harassment at the time.

Context:

1. Case Background: The Vishaka Guidelines arose from a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by women’s rights groups led by the NGO Vishaka, following the gang rape of Bhanwari Devi, a social worker in Rajasthan. Bhanwari Devi was raped in 1992 while attempting to prevent a child marriage as part of her work.
2. Lack of Legislation: There was no specific legal framework in India to address the issue of sexual harassment at the workplace. The existing laws were inadequate to deal with such cases, leaving victims without sufficient legal recourse.
3. Supreme Court Intervention: The Supreme Court of India recognized the need for immediate and effective measures to address workplace sexual harassment. It, therefore, laid down the Vishaka Guidelines, which served as a framework to prevent and address sexual harassment in workplaces across India.

Key Provisions:

• Preventive Measures: Employers were required to take preventive measures, including ensuring a safe working environment for women.
• Complaint Mechanism: Establishment of a complaints committee at the workplace, headed by a woman, with a provision for a third-party representative from an NGO or another body familiar with the issue of sexual harassment.
• Awareness: Employers were tasked with raising awareness about sexual harassment and the rights of women at the workplace.

These guidelines remained in place until the enactment of the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act in 2013, which provided a more comprehensive legal framework for addressing workplace sexual harassment.