The idea of India as a "soft state" was mooted by Gunnar Myrdal, the Swedish economist and sociologist, in his seminal work Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations (1968). Myrdal used the term "soft state" to describe a condition in which countries, including India, lack the ability to enforce policies and laws effectively due to widespread corruption, weak institutions, and a lack of political will.

In his analysis, Myrdal argued that India's governance was characterized by an inability to implement reforms and overcome social and economic challenges because of its overly accommodative approach to vested interests, inefficiency in bureaucracy, and resistance to change from entrenched social groups. This, he suggested, made India ill-equipped to realize its developmental promises and address the challenges of poverty and inequality.

Rajni Kothari described the nature of the Indian state as “Incremental Democratic Modernisation.” In his analysis, Kothari emphasized that India’s democratic development and modernization processes have been gradual and evolving rather than abrupt or revolutionary. He highlighted how the Indian state has adapted to various social, economic, and political changes through incremental reforms that seek to balance tradition with modernity. This concept reflects Kothari's view that while India faces challenges in governance and social justice, its democratic institutions and practices continue to evolve, enabling a dynamic yet complex relationship between democracy and development in the country.

Eric R. Wolf (1923-1999) was a prominent anthropologist known for his influential work in the field of cultural anthropology. His research focused on the dynamics of power, economic systems, and social organization in various cultures. Wolf’s work often examined the impact of global economic and political systems on local societies.

Key Contributions:

• "Peasant Societies and Agrarian Change" (1966): Wolf’s seminal work, which explores the relationships between peasant societies and larger socio-economic systems, emphasizing the ways in which peasants adapt to and resist external pressures.
• "Europe and the People Without History" (1982): This book expanded on the idea of how European colonialism and capitalist expansion influenced non-European societies. Wolf argued that historical changes and the formation of the modern world were interconnected across different regions.
• Focus on Power and Economy: Wolf’s work frequently analyzed how economic systems, class structures, and political power dynamics shape social relations and cultural practices.

Eric R. Wolf’s contributions significantly advanced the understanding of how global forces impact local cultures and societies, integrating concepts from Marxism and political economy into anthropological studies.

The First Backward Classes Commission, also known as the Kaka Kalelkar Commission, was established in 1953. It emphasized caste as the primary condition for identifying social and educational backwardness, alongside economic factors and the lack of education. The commission considered the following indicators for determining social and educational backwardness:

1. Low Caste Status: Caste was used as a significant criterion, particularly in Hindu society, where certain castes were historically marginalized.
2. Low Level of Education: The commission focused on groups with low literacy rates and access to education, identifying them as educationally backward.
3. Occupational Deprivation: Certain groups involved in traditionally low-status or menial jobs were considered backward due to their limited access to economic opportunities.
4. Economic Backwardness: Poor economic conditions, such as lack of land ownership or access to resources, were also factored into identifying backwardness.

However, caste was given the most weight as an indicator of social and educational backwardness by the commission.

The "Congress System," coined by Indian political scientist Rajni Kothari, describes the dominant position of the Indian National Congress in the early decades after India's independence. Kothari argued that the Congress functioned as an umbrella organization, encompassing diverse interests and ideologies, allowing it to maintain political dominance. Rather than suppressing opposition, the Congress co-opted various social groups and political factions, acting as a mediating force in India's pluralistic society. This system was marked by Congress's ability to adapt and absorb dissent, making it central to Indian politics while allowing space for regional and opposition parties to exist.

The Swaraj Party, founded in 1923 by Chittaranjan Das and Motilal Nehru, was a significant Indian political party during the Indian independence movement. It emerged from a split in the Indian National Congress (INC) over strategies to achieve self-rule. The party advocated for active participation in the legislative councils and sought to use these platforms to challenge British policies and demand constitutional reforms. The Swaraj Party aimed to achieve self-governance for India through constitutional means rather than the boycott strategy endorsed by the INC at that time. Its efforts contributed to shaping India's political discourse and influenced future nationalist movements.

Karl Marx characterized peasants as "sacks of potatoes" and "epitome of backwardness." Marx viewed peasants as passive and lacking in political consciousness, largely because they were seen as subsisting on traditional agricultural methods and resistant to social change. This perspective was part of Marx's broader critique of the peasantry in contrast to the more dynamic and revolutionary working class.

The Capability Approach, developed by economist and philosopher Amartya Sen, is a conceptual framework used to evaluate individual well-being, social arrangements, and the development of societies. It emphasizes the real freedoms or capabilities people have to lead the kind of life they value, rather than merely focusing on material wealth or economic resources.

Key aspects of the Capability Approach include:

1. Capabilities: These refer to the substantive freedoms or opportunities that individuals have to achieve valuable outcomes. For example, the ability to be healthy, to pursue education, or to participate in social and political activities are all capabilities.
2. Functionings: These are the various states of being and activities that a person can achieve, such as being well-nourished, being literate, or being employed. Functionings are the actual achievements, while capabilities are the potential to achieve.
3. Focus on Individuals: The approach centers around individual freedom and agency. It evaluates how well individuals can convert available resources into functionings they value, considering factors like personal characteristics, social norms, and environmental conditions.
4. Comprehensive View of Development: Instead of focusing solely on economic indicators like GDP, the Capability Approach looks at the real freedoms and opportunities that individuals have. Development, from this perspective, means expanding people's capabilities to live a fulfilling life.
5. Justice and Inequality: The Capability Approach provides a way to think about social justice by identifying the gaps in capabilities between different groups. It recognizes that inequalities in education, healthcare, and social participation can limit people's freedoms and well-being, even if economic resources are available.

In summary, the Capability Approach shifts attention from traditional measures of economic development to a broader understanding of human well-being, focusing on what people can actually do and be in their lives.

Rajni Kothari’s concept of "One Party Domination" in India refers to the Indian National Congress's political dominance in the early decades after independence. Kothari argued that the Congress acted as a central political force, integrating diverse social, economic, and regional interests, making it more than just a party. The Congress maintained its dominance not through authoritarian control, but by accommodating opposition and internal dissent, functioning like a broad coalition. Its deep roots in India's freedom struggle, wide organizational reach, and ability to adapt allowed it to monopolize power while allowing opposition parties to exist, though with limited influence.

Rajni Kothari’s concept of "One Party Domination" in India refers to the Indian National Congress's political dominance in the early decades after independence. Kothari argued that the Congress acted as a central political force, integrating diverse social, economic, and regional interests, making it more than just a party. The Congress maintained its dominance not through authoritarian control, but by accommodating opposition and internal dissent, functioning like a broad coalition. Its deep roots in India's freedom struggle, wide organizational reach, and ability to adapt allowed it to monopolize power while allowing opposition parties to exist, though with limited influence.

The 89th Amendment of the Constitution of India in 2003 created the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) by separating it from the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes:
The amendment created a new Article 338A in the Constitution, which established the NCST.
The amendment also amended Article 338, which established the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC).

The NCST is a constitutional body that works to improve the lives of tribal groups in India. Some of its functions include:
Improving relief and rehabilitation measures for tribal groups displaced by development projects
Preventing tribal people from being alienated from their land
Ensuring that the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act of 1996 is fully implemented