Hakim Ajmal Khan was associated with the Ahrar Movement, also known as the Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam. He played a significant role as a nationalist leader and supported the movement.

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Syed Ahmed Khan was not supportive of the Indian National Congress. He believed that the Congress did not represent the interests of Muslims and feared that it might become a Hindu-dominated platform.

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Annie Besant was the first women President of INC.

Tana Bhagat movement:

- Location: 

• Tana Bhagat movement (1914-1920) is a movement that emerged among the Oraon tribes of Chotanagpur, Jharkhand.

- Leadership:

• The leader of the Tana Bhagat movement was called Jatra Bhagat

- Reasons: 

• The economic and cultural exploitation of the Oraon tribes.
• For them, Swaraj meant freedom from British rule and freedom from the oppression of the ‘Dikkus’, money-lenders, zamindars and feudal overlords.
• Also, the leaders of this movement wanted to stop the evil practices among the tribes, like the worship of ghosts and spirits and the practice of exorcism.

- Nature: 

• There was an active rebellion against unfair landlords who exploited them.
• Some of the members refused to pay rent to their landlords and ceased to cultivate their lands.

- Significance: 

The movement was influenced by Mahatma Gandhi and his idea of non-violence.

The idea of India as a "soft state" was mooted by Gunnar Myrdal, the Swedish economist and sociologist, in his seminal work Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations (1968). Myrdal used the term "soft state" to describe a condition in which countries, including India, lack the ability to enforce policies and laws effectively due to widespread corruption, weak institutions, and a lack of political will.

In his analysis, Myrdal argued that India's governance was characterized by an inability to implement reforms and overcome social and economic challenges because of its overly accommodative approach to vested interests, inefficiency in bureaucracy, and resistance to change from entrenched social groups. This, he suggested, made India ill-equipped to realize its developmental promises and address the challenges of poverty and inequality.

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Major Writings of Atul Kohli:

Atul Kohli is a prominent scholar in the field of political science, with a focus on comparative politics, development, and state theory. Here are some of his major publications along with their years:

1. The State and Poverty in India: The Politics of Reform (1987)
   In this influential work, Kohli explores the relationship between state interventions and poverty alleviation in India. He examines why certain states succeed in implementing reforms while others do not, with a focus on state capacity and political leadership.
2. Democracy and Discontent: India’s Growing Crisis of Governability (1990)
   This book deals with India's political challenges and the emerging crisis of governability in the late 20th century. Kohli focuses on the growing regionalism, political fragmentation, and weakening of state authority.
3. State-Directed Development: Political Power and Industrialization in the Global Periphery (2004)
   One of Kohli’s most influential works, this book compares the role of state power in industrial development in different countries, including India, South Korea, and Brazil. Kohli categorizes states into three types—cohesive-capitalist, fragmented-multiclass, and neopatrimonial—and examines their effectiveness in driving development.
4. Poverty Amid Plenty in the New India (2012)
   In this work, Kohli explores how India’s economic growth has coexisted with persistent poverty and rising inequality. He attributes this paradox to the nature of India’s political and economic institutions.
5. Imperialism and the Developing World: How Britain and the United States Shaped the Global Periphery (2020)
   This book analyzes the impact of British and American imperialism on the political and economic structures of developing countries. Kohli examines how these colonial and post-colonial influences shaped the path of development in different parts of the world.

These works collectively showcase Atul Kohli's scholarly focus on state power, economic development, political dynamics, and the socio-economic challenges in developing countries, particularly India.

Sudipta Kaviraj’s work on Civil Society

is highly regarded for its nuanced exploration of how the concept operates in the context of India and, more broadly, postcolonial societies. Unlike the more traditional Western notions of civil society, which often center around the idea of an autonomous sphere functioning independently from the state to foster democracy and pluralism, Kaviraj argues that the concept takes on different meanings and roles in non-Western contexts.

Key Points from Kaviraj's Analysis:

1. Historical and Cultural Specificity: Kaviraj emphasizes that civil society in India cannot be understood merely as a transplantation of Western ideals. Instead, it has developed within a unique socio-political landscape shaped by colonial history, social stratification, and diverse cultural practices. This leads to a civil society that is fragmented and often mirrors existing social hierarchies rather than transcending them.
2. Civil Society and State Relationship: He explores the ambivalent relationship between civil society and the state in India, noting that civil society is not always in opposition to the state but can be complicit with it. For instance, certain elite groups within civil society might align with state policies that serve their interests while marginalizing other voices.
3. Pluralism and Contestation: Kaviraj points out that civil society in India is deeply pluralistic but also conflict-ridden. Various groups with different, sometimes contradictory, objectives coexist and compete for influence. This pluralism is not always conducive to a unified push toward democratic ideals but can lead to fragmented or uneven advocacy and representation.
4. Colonial Legacy and Modern Civil Society: He delves into how colonial rule shaped the early forms of Indian civil society, which initially consisted of urban, educated elites engaging in debates on governance and rights. This foundation left a legacy that still affects how modern civil society operates, often skewed towards more privileged sections of society while less effectively addressing the needs of marginalized groups.
5. Democratic Processes: Kaviraj’s work also highlights the importance of understanding civil society as a space where democratic participation and dissent are expressed. However, in India, this is complicated by the persistence of caste, class, and religious divisions, which can both enable and limit the functioning of civil society as a truly inclusive arena for collective action.

Broader Implications:

Kaviraj’s analysis of civil society challenges oversimplified, idealized models of civic engagement and democracy. He demonstrates that in postcolonial societies, civil society cannot be separated from its socio-historical context. This understanding provides a more realistic assessment of how democratic processes work in practice in places like India, where civil society can simultaneously act as a site for empowerment and exclusion.

This nuanced perspective is crucial for anyone examining how democracy functions outside of Western liberal frameworks and for understanding the complexities of social movements, governance, and political participation in countries with deep-rooted social stratification.

The Bardoli Satyagraha (1928) was a significant peasant movement in Gujarat, led by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. It was initiated in response to a 30% increase in land revenue imposed by the British colonial government, which was unbearable for the farmers of Bardoli taluka in Surat district, who had suffered from floods and famine.

The movement was spearheaded by the Bardoli Taluka Farmers' Association, with the involvement of local leaders like Indulal Yagnik and Kalyanji Mehta. Under Patel’s leadership, the farmers refused to pay the increased taxes, leading to the confiscation of their land, cattle, and property by the British authorities.

Despite severe repression, the movement gained widespread support across India. After months of nonviolent resistance, the British government was forced to roll back the tax hike and return the confiscated properties. This victory earned Patel the title of "Sardar" and strengthened his role in the Indian independence struggle.

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The Tebhaga Movement (1946-1947) was a significant peasant uprising in Bengal, aimed at improving the share of produce for tenant farmers. At the time, sharecroppers (bargadars) were required to give half of their harvest to landlords, but the movement sought to reduce this to one-third, hence the name Tebhaga (meaning "three shares").

The movement was led by the Kisan Sabha, the peasant wing of the Communist Party of India (CPI). Key leaders included Kangal Harinath, Hare Krishna Konar, Ajit Pandey, and Saroj Mukherjee.

The movement gained widespread support from impoverished peasants, particularly in the districts of Dinajpur, Rangpur, and Jalpaiguri. Although it faced severe repression from the colonial government and landlords, the Tebhaga movement was instrumental in drawing attention to the exploitation of peasants and laid the groundwork for land reform movements in post-independence India.

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The Naxalbari Movement (1967) was a radical peasant uprising in the Naxalbari region of West Bengal, marking the beginning of the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency in India. The movement emerged from long-standing land disputes, where poor tribal peasants demanded land reforms and the redistribution of land held by wealthy landlords.

The movement was led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal, and was inspired by Maoist ideology, advocating armed struggle against the state. It originated within the Communist Party of India (Marxist), but soon splintered into the more radical Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), advocating revolutionary change through violence.

In May 1967, the peasants seized land and crops, and the movement quickly spread to other parts of India. The government responded with harsh repression, crushing the uprising. Despite its failure, the Naxalbari movement inspired future left-wing insurgencies and continues to influence Naxalite groups fighting for tribal and peasant rights in several parts of India today.

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The Navnirman Andolan (1974) was a student-led protest movement in Gujarat against corruption and price rises, eventually leading to the collapse of the Chimanbhai Patel government. It started as a spontaneous uprising by students in Ahmedabad, who were angered by high mess charges in hostels, but soon grew into a broader agitation against political corruption and inflation affecting the state.

The movement was supported by various social and political groups, including middle-class citizens, traders, and opposition parties. It was led by student leaders, but prominent political figures like Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) and Morarji Desai lent support, turning it into a larger anti-establishment movement.

Mass protests, strikes, and violent clashes followed, forcing the government to step down. The Navnirman Andolan became a symbol of youth-driven political reform, inspiring other movements across India, including JP’s Total Revolution movement, which eventually contributed to the declaration of Emergency in 1975.

Rajni Kothari argued that caste, traditionally a social institution, became politicized in post-independence India as caste groups began using politics as a means to gain power, representation, and resources. Rather than politics being overtaken by caste, it was caste that adapted to the political system, with various caste groups mobilizing around political parties to secure their interests. This shift marked the transformation of caste into a dynamic political force, influencing democratic participation and electoral competition in India.

V. V. Giri, the fourth President of India (1969–1974), was closely associated with the trade union movement in India.

His Role in the Trade Union Movement:

• V. V. Giri was a prominent labor leader and actively worked for the welfare of workers and the improvement of labor conditions.
• He was involved with the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and later became the President of the All India Railwaymen’s Federation.
• He played a significant role in the labor movement during the colonial period, advocating for workers' rights, fair wages, and better working conditions.
• Giri also served as the Minister of Labour in the Congress government before becoming the President of India.

His background in labor rights and trade union activism made him a key figure in shaping labor policies in independent India.

Reservation of seat for St in Lok Sabha:

• Madhya Pradesh: 6 seats
• Jharkhand: 5 seats
• Odisha: 5 seats
• Chhattisgarh: 4 seats
• Maharashtra: 4 Seats
• Gujarat: 4 seats
• Rajasthan: 3 seats
• Assam:  2 seats
• Meghalaya: 2 seats
• Arunachal Pradesh: 2 seats
• Telangana: 2 Seats
• West Bengal: 2 seats
• Karnataka: 2
• Sikkim: 1 seat
• Tripura: 1 seats
• Lakshadweep: 1
• Mizoram: 1
• Nagaland: 1 seat
• Andhra Pradesh: 1

Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph described India as a "weak-strong state" to capture the paradoxical nature of India's governance system, where the state simultaneously exhibits strengths and weaknesses depending on the context.

1. Weak State: The Rudolphs argued that India can be seen as a "weak" state because it often struggles to effectively implement policies, enforce laws, and maintain authority across its vast and diverse population. Bureaucratic inefficiency, corruption, and the state's inability to penetrate rural areas or regulate powerful local elites contribute to this weakness. Furthermore, the state’s capacity is frequently compromised by political pressures from various interest groups, reflecting the characteristics of a demand polity where social forces actively shape government actions.
2. Strong State: On the other hand, India is also a "strong" state because it maintains a robust constitutional framework, democratic institutions, and the ability to centralize power in critical moments. The central government has demonstrated its strength during periods of national crisis, such as the 1975 Emergency under Indira Gandhi, when it exerted top-down control, and in its ability to hold the nation together despite immense diversity and challenges of governance. The state also plays a pivotal role in managing economic development and orchestrating social and political reforms.

The "weak-strong" state characterization captures India’s dual capacity to function both as a responsive, participatory democracy (demand polity) and a centralized authority capable of exerting significant control when necessary (command polity). This tension reflects the complexity of India's governance, where the state must balance responsiveness with authority in a diverse and often fractious society.

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Kohli's "crisis of governability" thesis essentially captures the inability of the Indian state to manage and mediate conflicting demands within a highly diverse and socially mobilized society. Political fragmentation, weak institutions, and economic and social inequalities interact to produce a governance crisis, which manifests as ineffective administration, policy paralysis, and weak state authority.

The National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) was formed as a result of the 89th Constitutional Amendment Act of 2003, which led to the bifurcation of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes into two separate bodies: one for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and another for Scheduled Tribes (STs).

Prior to this, the welfare of both SCs and STs was handled by a joint commission, the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, which had been established under Article 338 of the Indian Constitution.

In 2004, the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes was constituted under Article 338A, giving it the responsibility to safeguard and monitor the interests of STs. The commission is tasked with investigating issues related to the rights and welfare of STs, advising on policies for their development, and inquiring into violations of their rights. It plays a key role in ensuring constitutional safeguards and addressing grievances.
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The National Commission for Minorities (NCM) was established in 1993 by the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992, to safeguard and promote the rights of India's religious minorities. Initially, the government of India identified six religious communities—Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsis, and Jains (added in 2014)—as minorities under the National Commission for Minorities Act.

The NCM was formed to address issues faced by these communities, ensure their constitutional rights, and promote their welfare. The commission is tasked with monitoring the implementation of safeguards provided for minorities in the Constitution and laws, examining complaints of discrimination, and making recommendations for policy changes to the government.

The NCM consists of a chairperson and members appointed by the government, representing various minority communities, and plays a key role in fostering communal harmony and addressing grievances of minority communities across India.

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The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) was established in 2007 under the Commissions for Protection of Child Rights Act, 2005. Its primary role is to ensure that the rights and welfare of children are protected and promoted in India. The NCPCR is tasked with:

• Monitoring and ensuring the implementation of laws and policies related to child rights.
• Investigating and addressing complaints and violations related to children's rights.
• Promoting and advocating for the rights of children as outlined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and Indian legislation.
• Advising the government on child rights issues and suggesting policy reforms.

The Commission comprises a chairperson and members with expertise in child rights, law, and social work, appointed by the central government. The NCPCR's mandate includes safeguarding children from abuse, neglect, and exploitation, and ensuring their access to education, health, and protection.

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The National Commission for Human Rights (NCHR), formally known as the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of India, was established on October 12, 1993, under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993. The need for a human rights body arose in the early 1990s due to rising concerns over human rights violations, both globally and within India, in areas such as custodial violence, discrimination, and abuse of power.

The NHRC was created to investigate human rights abuses, including the right to life, liberty, equality, and dignity, as guaranteed by the Constitution or international covenants. The commission has the power to investigate complaints, intervene in court cases involving human rights issues, and make recommendations to the government.

The NHRC comprises a chairperson, usually a retired Chief Justice of India, along with other members from judicial, human rights, and related fields, who are tasked with protecting and promoting human rights across the country.

Sanskritization: One of Srinivas's most influential concepts, Sanskritization describes the process by which lower-caste groups seek upward social mobility by emulating the rituals, practices, and lifestyles of higher castes, particularly Brahmins. This theory highlighted the fluidity and adaptability within the caste system, challenging the earlier static views.

Rajni Kothari theorized civil society groups as "harbingers of political transformation." In his analysis, Kothari emphasized the role of these groups in fostering democratic practices, advocating for social justice, and mobilizing citizens around common causes. He argued that civil society organizations contribute to political transformation by challenging the status quo, influencing public policy, and enhancing accountability in governance. Kothari viewed these groups as essential players in the democratic process, as they facilitate civic engagement and empower marginalized communities, ultimately leading to a more vibrant and participatory political landscape.

Here are the founding years of the specified political parties in India:

i. Justice Party – 1916

ii. Independent Labour Party – 1936

iii. Bharatiya Jana Sangh – 1951

iv. Praja Socialist Party – 1952

The "Congress System," coined by Indian political scientist Rajni Kothari, describes the dominant position of the Indian National Congress in the early decades after India's independence. Kothari argued that the Congress functioned as an umbrella organization, encompassing diverse interests and ideologies, allowing it to maintain political dominance. Rather than suppressing opposition, the Congress co-opted various social groups and political factions, acting as a mediating force in India's pluralistic society. This system was marked by Congress's ability to adapt and absorb dissent, making it central to Indian politics while allowing space for regional and opposition parties to exist.